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W anted  - Leaders ! 

A Study  of  Negro  Development 


By 

The  Rt.  Rev.  Theodore  DuBose  Bratton,  D.  D. 


Bishop  of  Mississippi 


PRESIDING  BISHOP  AND  COUNCIL 

Department  of  Missions  and  Church  Extension 
281  Fourth  Avenue  - - New  York 


•V 


3 'l&.Si 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.  The  Negro  in  Africa 5 

II.  The  Negro  in  Liberia 35 

III.  The  Negro  in  Haiti 63 

IV.  The  Slave  and  the  Freedman  in 

America . 91 

V.  The  Period  of  War  and  Reconstruc- 
tion   123 

VI.  The  Education  of  the  Negro  . . . 143 


VII.  The  Christian  Development  of  the 


Negro 173 

VIII.  What  of  the  Future? 211 

Appendix 231 

Bibliography 251 


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A Study  of  Negro  Development 


Chapter  I 

THE  NEGRO  IN  AFRICA 

rT'HE  Africa  of  five  hundred  years  ago,  when  the 
modern  nations  first  dipped  into  its  wild  and 
troubled  life,  presented  at  least  as  great  a variety 
of  racial  characteristics  as  any  other  continent. 
Natural  barriers;  climatic  influences;  the  recurring 
desert,  swamp,  and  prairie  areas; — all  tended  to 
segregate  the  tribes,  and  to  fix  widely  different  phys- 
ical characteristics.  The  ancient  Empires  of  the 
Mediterranean  had  left  the  posterity  of  their  mixed 
families,  and  the  tradition  of  their  mingled  relig- 
ions, on  the  borders  of  that  great  sea.  Inevitably 
these  exercised  more  or  less  of  influence  on  the 
backward  people  to  the  South  of  them,  tingeing 
their  blood,  their  characteristics,  and  their  religion, 
though  in  a way  difficult  to  define  and  to  a degree 
which  baffles  measurement.  Where  effects  have 
been  in  the  making  for  many  centuries  and  are 
remote  from  the  causes,  the  links  between  them 
are  not  easily  traceable.  It  is  only  in  modern  times 
that  Mohammedanism,  for  example,  has  pushed  its 

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conquests  much  below  the  great  desert  region.  In 
the  time  of  the  slave  traffic,  the  Mediterranean 
influence  must  have  penetrated  to  only  a compara- 
tively short  distance  up  the  Nile  and  down  the  west- 
ern coast,  while  very  gradually  diffusing  itself 
through  the  north  Sudan  area.  In  general,  we 
may  approach  the  study  of  the  Negro  in  Africa 
with  little  thought  of  this  outside  influence,  noting 
it  only  where  marked  traces  are  discovered  either 
from  ancient  or  modern  sources. 

Various  students  of  the  negro  peoples  have  di- 
vided them  into  families;  but  the  divisions  vary, 
and  no  fixed  terminology  has  become  so  dominant 
as  to  command  common  consent.  For  our  purpose, 
the  four  Families  hereafter  described  comprise  the 
African  Negroes.  A minute  study  of  these  families 
will  reveal  many  tribal  subdivisions,  each  with  dis- 
tinguishing traits — physical,  mental  and  moral — • 
developed  by  environment,  and  yet  plainly  traceable 
to  common  family  origins.  Such  a minute  study 
is  not  our  purpose,  and  we  shall  limit  our  view  to 
the  four  Families  in  whose  development  we  are 
especially  interested. 

I.  The  Negrito  Family.  In  this  Family  are 
three  distinct  though  kindred  tribes — the  Pygmies, 
the  Bushmen,  and  the  Hottentots — supposed  to  be 
the  original  inhabitants  of  Africa.  As  these  tribes 
are  only  remotely  represented  in  America,  they  may 
be  dismissed  with  short  notice. 

They  are  all  of  small  stature,  ranging  in  height 
from  four  to  five  feet,  and  are  early  mentioned 
by  the  Greek  and  Roman  historians,  whose  stories 

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The  Negro  in  Africa 


of  the  dwarf  Pygmies  were  treated  as  traveller’s 
tales  until  the  discoveries  of  the  eighteenth  and  nine- 
teenth centuries  proved  the  so-called  fables  of  Ho- 
mer, Aristotle,  and  Pliny  to  be  true.  From  the  no- 
madic, forest-dwelling  Pygmies  of  central  Africa, 
with  their  low  mental  and  social  development,  there 
is  a distinct  advance  in  their  nearest  kinsmen,  the 
Bushmen  of  the  desert  regions  scattered  through- 
out this  same  area.  Among  them,  music  is  a dis- 
tinct form  of  expression,  and  they  exhibit  a de- 
gree of  artistic  ability  in  the  depicting  of  animal 
figures  and  even  of  scenes  from  their  marauding 
life.  More  developed  still,  are  the  Hottentots  of 
the  South.  In  mental  and  moral  character,  as  well 
as  in  mechanical  ingenuity,  they  surpass  their  kins- 
men. Language  is  still  meager  in  power  of  expres- 
sion, but  the  Hottentot  kracd  or  village  community 
represents  a much  higher  stage  of  social  life  than 
is  found  among  the  Pygmies  or  the  Bushmen.  Re- 
ligiously, too,  the  Hottentot  is  on  a higher  plane 
than  the  related  tribes. 

The  effect  of  European  settlement  in  the  land  of 
the  Bushmen  and  Hottentots  has  been  disastrous  to 
these  wild  people.  Dr.  Bryce  says,  “Along  the 
south  bank  of  the  Orange  River  and  to  the  north 
of  it,  small  tribes,  substantially  identical  with  the 
Hottentots,  still  wander  over  the  arid  wilderness. 
But  in  the  settled  parts  of  the  colony,  the  Hotten- 
tot, of  whom  we  used  to  hear  so  much,  and,  at  one 
time,  feared  so  much,  has  vanished  more  completely 
than  has  the  Red  Indian  from  the  Atlantic  States 
of  America.”  The  Pygmies  are  still  remote  from 

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the  white  man’s  influence.  Is  it  this  alone  that 
saves  them  from  a like  fate? 

II.  The  Sudan  Family.  These  occupy  almost 
the  entire  Sudan  country,  which  is  the  widest  part 
of  Africa,  south  of  the  Sahara  Desert,  and  extends 
from  the  Atlantic  Ocean  to  the  Abyssinian  high- 
lands on  the  east.  “The  whole  Sudan  is  full  of 
animal  excitement.  There  is  never  a dull  hour  for 
man  or  beast.  All  is  conflict,  noise  and  motion. 
Even  at  night  there  is  no  repose  or  solitude.”  Most 
of  the  great  rivers  have  their  source  in  this  region, 
in  which  also  are  found  many  lakes  teeming  with 
life.  Over  much  of  this  area,  nature  provides  all 
the  necessities  of  life;  literally  so,  since  clothing  is 
not  so  classed,  the  climate  favoring  the  unchanging 
garb  of  nature. 

The  Sudan  country  is  divided  into  geographical 
zones  named  after  the  chief  product  of  each.  The 
equatorial  and  torrid  belt — the  so-called  Banana 
Zone — abounds  in  fruits  as  well  as  game;  next 
above  is  the  Millet  Zone,  with  its  combined  trees 
and  grain-fields,  millet,  sorghum,  etc.,  providing 
edible  vegetation  corresponding  to  our  wheat,  corn, 
and  rice;  next  above  is  the  Cattle  Zone,  a prairie- 
country,  rich  in  grasses,  its  fertile  lands  inviting 
agricultural  pursuits;  above  this,  and  blending  into 
the  Sahara  Desert,  is  the  Camel  Zone  of  which  no 
further  mention  need  be  made. 

The  estimated  80,000,000  people  of  the  Sudan 
Family  are  divided  into  three  fairly  distinct  types: 
(1)  The  Negritians,  a primitive  and  numerous 
negro  race  which  claims  our  chief  interest  because 

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The  Negro  in  Africa 


it  provided  most  of  our  American  Negroes.  (2) 
The  Fellatahs,  a mixture  of  Negritian  and  Berber, 
the  latter  a branch  of  the  Hamitic  family.  This 
mingling  has  produced  a fairly  distinct  ruling  class. 
(3)  The  Arab  toward  the  eastern  section  of  the 
Sudan,  who  also  intermingled  with  the  Negritians, 
and  became  the  ruling  class  of  the  region  to  the 
eastward. 

Each  of  these  types,  with  its  many  tribes,  inhabits 
sections  of  the  three  climatic  or  geographical  zones 
of  the  Sudan — the  so-called  Banana,  Millet,  and 
Cattle  Zones — and,  since  the  climate  and  products 
of  the  zones  determine  the  main  characteristics  of 
the  people,  we  follow  the  zones  in  studying  the 
people. 

The  characteristics  of  life,  as  well  as  the  indus- 
tries, everywhere  vary  with  the  changing  physical 
geography  of  a people’s  habitat ; it  is  natural,  there- 
fore, to  find  a general  and  decided  ascent  in  indus- 
trial life  from  the  tropical  Banana  Zone  up  to  the 
more  temperate  Millet,  and  again  up  to  the  Cattle 
Zone. 

(1)  The  hot,  humid  atmosphere  of  the  Banana 
Zone,  and  the  abundant,  never-failing  fruits  of 
nature  supplied  without  the  necessity  of  human 
culture,  have  developed  a thriftless  people,  in  whom 
the  absence  of  food-problems  has  bred  an  hered- 
itary distaste  for  exertion  of  any  kind.  Here  and 
there  may  be  found  patches  of  corn,  yams,  and 
ground  nuts,  planted  by  the  women  and  slaves,  and 
requiring  little  culture.  Fishing,  perhaps  the  most 
leisurely  of  all  sports,  is  indulged  in;  but  hunting 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


is  little  followed,  human  flesh  being  preferred;  for 
the  people  of  this  zone  are  cannibals.  The  making 
of  implements  of  warfare  is  probably  done  by  the 
men ; but,  where  slavery  is  the  habit,  no  doubt  most 
manual  labor  is  the  task  of  the  slaves — the  booty 
of  war  which  seems  to  be  the  chief  pastime. 

Polygamy  is  universal,  family  life  is  loose,  and 
the  standards  of  chastity  are  correspondingly  low. 
Wives  are  bought  or  captured;  and,  since  fre- 
quent wars  lessen  the  male  population,  women  are 
numerous  and  cheap.  The  prevailing  standard  is 
unmoral  rather  than  immoral.  Chastity  is  a matter 
of  respecting  the  property  of  others,  and  unchas- 
tity is  punished  because  it  is  a violation  of  this 
respect  for  private  property.  Women  are  always 
property,  first  of  their  parents,  and  then  of  their 
husbands  or  owners. 

(2)  Passing  northward  into  the  Millet  Zone, 
the  tropical  forests  give  place  to  alternate  woods 
and  prairies  which  commence  at  about  the  11th 
parallel  of  north  latitude.  Here  is  the  great  agri- 
cultural region,  grains  and  nut  trees  taking  the 
place  of  the  fruits  and  shrubs.  In  addition,  cotton 
for  clothing  and  other  uses  has  been  grown  for 
many  centuries,  though,  until  recent  years,  for 
domestic  consumption  only.  Domestic  animals — 
cattle,  sheep,  asses,  pigs,  etc. — are  in  use,  and  wild 
animals  and  birds  abound.  The  latter  are  both  a 
source  of  food  and  also  of  peril;  and,  in  the  crop- 
season,  slaves  are  employed  to  save  the  produce 
from  enemies  on  land  and  in  air.  The  problem  of 
life  in  the  Millet  Zone  is  far  more  difficult  than 

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The  Negro  in  Africa 


in  the  Banana,  for  man  must  labor  for  his  food, 
till  the  soil,  and  store  up  the  crops.  In  many  places 
wells  must  be  dug  through  solid  rock  to  supply 
water  for  men,  domestic  animals,  and  fowls.  In 
still  others,  wood  must  be  hauled  over  long  dis- 
tances. 

Necessity  has  stimulated  quite  a remarkable 
development  of  the  industrial  arts.  Potters  and 
carpenters  fashion  urns  and  bins  for  storing  and 
protecting  grain  and  other  produce.  Smiths  smelt 
iron,  with  charcoal  as  the  fuel;  make  hoes,  axes, 
knives,  and  other  utensils.  Leather  workers  dress 
and  dye  hides,  fashioning  them  into  shoes,  cloaks, 
shields,  water-vessels,  etc.  In  one  district,  the  peo- 
ple have  learned  to  make  and  to  color  glass;  in 
another,  to  manufacture  soap.  The  weaving  of 
cotton  cloth  and  dyeing  have  been  practiced  for 
many  centuries. 

All  the  arts,  agricultural  and  industrial,  declined 
during  the  flourishing  days  of  the  slave-trade,  when 
the  selling  of  captive  slaves  furnished  the  con- 
querors an  easy  road  to  wealth  and  to  the  posses- 
sion of  much  that  their  own  labor  alone  had 
formerly  provided.  Gold  is  an  important  commod- 
ity and,  stored  in  quills,  is  used  as  a medium  of 
exchange;  but,  strangely  enough,  it  seems  only  in 
more  modern  times  to  have  been  fashioned  Into 
coins. 

The  labor  is  divided  into  well-defined  crafts. 
Besides  those  already  mentioned,  there  are  tailors, 
musicians,  architects  who  are  also  builders,  barbers 
who  also  extract  teeth,  and  even  manicurists.  Slave- 

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Wanted  - Leaders ! 


labor  is  much  in  demand;  for  here,  as  throughout 
the  world,  until  modern  times,  wherever  agricul- 
tural and  mechanical  industries  flourished,  slavery 
has  prevailed.  And  just  as  the  ancient  and  modern 
monarchies  have  depended  upon  force  of  arms  to 
supply  the  slaves  needed,  so  has  it  been  with  the 
negro  monarchies. 

Professor  Ely,  in  his  Political  Economy,  argues, 
from  this  universal  practice  doubtless,  that  slavery 
is  both  right  and  wrong.  “There  is  a time  in  hu- 
man development  when  slavery  represents  a step  in 
human  progress,  the  best  and  longest  that  men  were 
able  to  take.  Such  a step  is  always  right.  It  is 
wrong,  when  men  have  learned  how  to  do  better.” 
Upon  this  view  of  the  case,  a host  of  African  ex- 
plorers and  observers  have  testified  to  what  they 
regard  as  the  obvious  advantages  of  the  well-nigh 
universal  slave-system  of  the  more  progressive 
tribes.  They  testify,  too,  to  its  partially  patriarchal 
character  in  the  agricultural  regions,  where  the  use 
of  slaves,  as  sacrifices  to  the  gods  or  offerings  upon 
the  death  of  a king,  is  practically  never  found.  As 
an  offset,  however,  to  this  rather  roseate  picture, 
is  the  even  more  general  witness  to  the  fact  that 
slaves  in  this  zone  run  away  whenever  opportunity 
offers,  and,  if  chance  favors  them,  well  supplied 
with  the  goods  and  cattle  of  their  masters  to  com- 
fort them  along  the  way. 

The  family  life  of  the  Millet  Zone  is  decidedly 
above  the  standard  of  the  more  tropical  tribes. 
Doubtless  the  possession  of  property  for  which 
much  labor  has  been  expended,  and  the  necessity 

12 


The  Negro  in  Africa 


to  preserve  and  to  protect  it,  make  for  a higher 
sense  of  the  duties  which  the  relations  of  life  bring. 
The  women  are  more  nearly  equal  in  number  with 
the  men,  and  are  relatively  more  valuable,  so  that 
a substantial  price  must  be  paid  for  a wife.  The 
more  complicated  life,  involving  barns,  storehouses, 
etc.,  enlarges  the  idea  of  a home  and  family.  The 
care  of  the  domestic  animals  leads  up  to  the  care 
of  the  home  inmates,  and  furniture  is  more  plenti- 
ful and  comfortable.  The  settled  life  is  far  more 
favorable  than  the  nomadic  to  the  accumulation  of 
household  needs  and  comforts.  Life  is  both  more 
complex  and  more  expensive.  So,  in  this  zone, 
polygamy  gives  place  to  monogamy  save  in  the  case 
of  the  kings  and  the  rich,  who  seem  to  accumulate 
wives  with  wealth.  The  stable  life  tends  to 
strengthen  the  ties  between  parents  and  children. 

(3)  The  Cattle  Zone,  north  of  the  Millet,  is 
generally  an  open  prairie,  in  which  trees  are  scarce 
and  grass  abundant.  Here,  cattle  and  horses  abound, 
many  of  the  former  in  a wild  state,  and  sheep  and 
goats  thrive.  The  industries  of  the  Zone  also  in- 
clude, to  a limited  extent,  agriculture  and  manu- 
facturing. Cattle  constitute  the  wealth  of  the 
country;  goats  furnish  the  milk;  rice,  sweet  pota- 
toes, and  a variety  of  vegetables  are  the  staple 
foods;  cotton  and  indigo  are  raised  both  for  home 
consumption  and  for  trading. 

The  city  of  Timbuctoo  is  one  of  the  commercial 
centers  of  this  Zone.  Here  quantities  of  products 
are  exchanged — linen  and  cotton  cloth,  shoes  of 
an  ancient  pattern,  and  saddles;  iron  and  copper 

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Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


implements,  woodenware,  pottery,  etc.,  and  great 
numbers  of  cattle. 

Slavery  furnishes  the  greater  part  of  the  labor 
in  the  Cattle  Zone ; and  here  as  in  the  Millet  Zone, 
the  slaves  generally  occupy  the  position  of  serfs 
to  a chief. 

Family  life  is  at  a decidedly  higher  stage  of 
development.  While  wives  are  bought,  and  at  a 
high  price,  there  is  a notable  exception  in  the  case 
of  one  tribe,  according  to  whose  customs  daughters 
are  allowed  the  right  to  be  wooed,  and  the  privilege 
of  accepting  or  rejecting  the  suitor.  Here  only, 
among  the  many  tribes  of  Negritians,  there  is  evi- 
dence of  romantic  love  so  inseparable  from  mar- 
riage in  our  own  land.  In  this  Zone  not  a few  of 
the  tribes  are  Mohammedans,  and  in  these  the 
customs  of  sex  relations  and  family  life  are  largely 
dominated  by  that  religion. 

Where  the  Fellatahs  dominate,  the  cleavage  be- 
tween rich  and  poor  is  very  marked,  the  homes  of 
the  former  being  sometimes  almost  palatial,  while 
those  of  the  poor  are  miserable  hovels  made  of 
poles,  often  with  sorghum  stalks  for  rafters,  and 
straw  mats  for  covering,  and  side-walls.  A variety 
of  architecture  and  material,  however,  appears  in 
the  many  villages  and  cities  of  the  Zone,  and  the 
daily  sweeping  of  floors  shows  a desire  for  clean- 
liness unknown  to  other  zones.  The  men  are  the 
chief  supporters  of  their  families,  and  woman  en- 
joys a liberty  elsewhere  universally  denied  her.  She 
owns  her  own  property  ofttimes;  and  her  own 
slaves,  if  the  family  be  rich,  to  cultivate  and  gar- 

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The  Negro  in  Africa 


ner  her  crops.  The  wife  is  treated  with  respect, 
yet  is  humble  and  submissive,  kneeling  in  obeisance 
to  her  husband. 

Politically,  the  governments  of  the  Sudan  pre- 
sent much  the  picture  of  the  old  feudal  days  of 
our  own  ancestors.  The  king  is  supreme,  and  in 
him  all  legislative  power  is  vested,  influenced  by 
the  local  chiefs  of  the  towns  into  which  the  in- 
habitants are  gathered  for  purposes  of  protection. 
Under  the  king,  a council  and  chief  officers  execute 
his  commands.  Each  town  is  administered  by  its 
local  chief,  who  is  supreme  in  his  district.  All 
alike  furnish  soldiers  for  the  king’s  army,  and  pay 
tribute  to  the  royal  treasury.  Below  the  aristo- 
cratic class  are  the  freemen;  and  below  them  the 
slaves,  in  castes  which  inhibit  all  incentive  to  rise 
in  the  social  scale.  However  crude,  a system  of 
laws  is  administered,  and  trials  are  conducted  by 
the  local  chief  or  by  one  of  the  king’s  officers. 
Appeal  can  be  made  to  the  king  in  case  decisions 
are  felt  to  be  unjust.  Penalties  are  irregular,  but 
generally  extreme,  including  beheading  or  burning 
or  dismemberment  in  the  case  of  murder,  while 
severe  whipping  with  rawhide  suffices  for  lesser 
offenses. 

The  remaining  two  great  Families — the  Gallas 
and  the  Bantus — inhabit  eastern  and  southeastern 
Africa.  They  are  not  so  largely  represented  in 
America  as  their  kinsmen  already  mentioned,  and 
regretfully  we  must  pass  them  by  with  short  notice 
of  each. 


15 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


III.  The  Gallas  inhabit  the  region  known  as 
Nubia,  lying  to  the  south  and  west  of  Abyssinia, 
and  the  region  on  the  two  sides  of  the  White  Nile 
and  thence  southward  almost  to  Lake  Victoria.  But 
it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  these  divisional 
names  are  arbitrarily  bestowed  upon  large  groups, 
comprising  millions  of  people,  divided  into  scores 
of  tribes,  each  more  or  less  distinct  in  size,  color, 
and  social  customs.  The  northern  group  of  tribes 
have  sometimes  been  called  Nubians.  Some  of 
these,  in  time,  became  mixed  with  the  Hamites, 
and,  in  ancient  times,  were  dangerous  enemies  of 
the  Roman  Province  of  Africanus,  and  even  com- 
pelled Diocletian  to  withdraw  his  garrisons  from 
above  the  cataracts  of  the  Nile.  About  550  A.  D. 
they  were  converted  to  Christianity  and  welded  into 
a great  people  under  the  leadership  of  Silko.  With 
the  coming  of  the  Arabs,  they  were  gradually  sub- 
dued, partly  by  force,  still  more  by  amalgamation; 
and,  by  the  fourteenth  century,  they  became  largely 
Mohammedan  in  religion,  while  remaining  essen- 
tially Negro  in  spite  of  Arab  and  Bosnian  infu- 
sions. They  have  oval  faces,  large  black  eyes,  and 
prominent  narrow  noses;  in  color,  they  are  dark 
mahogany  or  bronze.  Their  kinsmen  to  the  East 
and  South  are  very  similar  in  color  and  feature ; 
and  both  are  fine,  sturdy  types,  the  women  often 
exceedingly  graceful.  Their  social  and  economic 
life  is  not  unlike  that  of  the  pastoral  and  agricul- 
tural tribes  of  the  Sudan. 

The  tribes  farther  south  are  of  a still  lighter 
color,  some  being  an  earthy  red,  while  others,  the 

16 


The  Negro  in  Africa 


Mangbattu  for  example,  are  of  a lighter  tint  than 
perhaps  any  other  tribe  of  Africa. 

IV.  The  Bantus  inhabit  the  vast  area  from 
about  Lake  Victoria,  comprising  Eastern  Equatorial 
and  South  Central  Africa.  Of  the  Equatorial  tribes, 
the  Ugandas  are  generally  the  finest  types  and  the 
most  progressive.  Stanley  tells  us  that  he  found 
them  to  be  fine  craftsmen.  Even  more  than  else- 
where, Uganda  is  a land  of  musicians,  who  have 
developed  a great  variety  of  native  musical  instru- 
ments. The  Congo  region  also  produces  a fine  race, 
physically  superior  to  any  of  their  kinsmen.  In 
the  mountains  of  the  region  “one  sees  magnificent 
specimens  of  human  beings,  both  male  and  female. 
They  are  a tall,  powerful  people  of  dark  brown 
color,  often  with  regular  features.” 

The  tribes  to  the  south  of  the  Equator  are  among 
the  very  finest  in  general  physical  and  mental  de- 
velopment; among  them  are  the  Zulus,  the  Kaffirs, 
and  others  nearly  as  well  known  to  the  general 
reader.  The  Zulus,  e.  g.,  are  tall,  shapely  and  mus- 
cular, and  often  with  Grecian  features,  the  skin 
varying  from  a light  clear  brown  to  blue  black. 
Some  of  these  tribes  are  highly  developed  in  fore- 
sight, self-control,  rational  interpretation,  and  gen- 
eral intelligence.  Many  are  fearless  and  brave  to 
the  point  of  foolhardiness,  and  the  stories  of  the 
achievements  of  some  of  their  warriors  read  like 
the  tales  of  the  Scottish  chiefs  so  fascinating  to 
our  boyhood. 

But  we  must  content  ourselves  now  with  these 
brief  comments,  adding  a quotation  from  The  Mind 

17 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


of  Primitive  Man,  by  Boas.  “To  those  unfamiliar 
with  the  products  of  native  African  art  and  indus- 
try, a walk  through  one  of  the  large  museums  of 
Europe  would  be  a revelation.  None  of  our  Amer- 
ican museums  has  made  collections  that  exhibit  this 
subject  in  any  way  worth  while.  The  blacksmith, 
the  wood  carver,  the  weaver,  the  potter — these  all 
produce  ware  original  in  form,  executed  with  care, 
and  exhibiting  that  love  of  labor  and  interest  in 
the  results  of  work,  which  are  apparently  so  often 
lacking  among  the  Negroes  in  our  American  sur- 
roundings.” 

Our  studies  have  revealed,  in  the  negro  race,  a 
great  variety  of  intelligence,  often  of  a very  high 
order;  powers  of  organization  of  no  slight  degree 
of  development;  and  thrift  that  has  supplied  large 
cities  as  trade  centers,  of  which  Timbuctoo  is,  per- 
haps, chief.  “Neither  is  the  wisdom  of  the  philos- 
opher absent,”  says  Professor  Boas.  “A  perusal  of 
any  of  the  collections  of  African  proverbs  that  have 
been  published,  will  demonstrate  the  homely,  prac- 
tical philosophy  of  the  Negro,  which  is  often  proof 
of  sound  feeling  and  judgment.” 

The  religions  of  the  more  advanced  tribes,  though 
differing  in  many  of  their  practical  details  of  appli- 
cation to  life,  may  fairly  be  treated  as  one.  It 
should  not  surprise  us  to  find  that  there  is  no  known 
tribe  in  Africa,  or  elsewhere  in  the  world,  which 
has  not  a religion ; for  God  “hath  not  left  Himself 
without  witness”  among  any  people. 

Religion  does  not  begin  with  the  Incarnate 
Christ.  He  is  not  the  first  revelation  of  God,  but 

18 


The  Negro  in  Africa 


His  last  and  complete  revelation.  Through  the  per- 
sonal message  of  the  Incarnate  One  correcting  er- 
rors, interpreting  and  confirming  mysteries,  and 
thus  revealing  the  rational  in  what  is  inexplicable 
and  indefinable  otherwise,  comes  the  interpretation 
of  man’s  natural  religion.  The  fulfilment  of  all 
religion  is  Jesus  Christ;  without  Whom,  religion 
has  ever  degenerated  into  superstition.  In  its  pri- 
mary meaning,  Religion  is  the  law  of  relation — per- 
sonal relation  to  all  that  is  outside  of  self — to  God, 
to  one’s  own  complex  nature,  to  man,  and  to  the 
world.  And  since  the  law  of  relation  is  personal, 
it  is  susceptible  of  an  infinite  variety  of  interpreta- 
tions and  applications  as  personality  grows  and  ex- 
pands. Upon  the  growth  of  the  religious  sense, 
therefore,  depends  the  progress  of  moral  and  spir- 
itual character.  The  source  of  enlightenment  for 
the  savage  is  the  great  Book  of  Nature,  God’s  first 
volume  of  His  Self-revelation.  In  the  interpreta- 
tion of  this  book,  manifold  elements  enter,  combin- 
ing to  yield  many  lessons  from  its  living  chapters. 
The  initial  question  of  all  peoples  as  they  looked  out 
upon  the  world  has  been:  Whence  came  it?  And 
upon  the  forces  of  nature:  What  are  they?  In  a 
land  filled  with  wild  beasts  and  reptiles,  visited  by 
storms  and  floods,  subject  to  earthquakes  and  vol- 
canoes, its  people  a prey  to  disease  and  death,  what 
is  the  explanation  that  the  African  has  given?  What 
has  he  thought  of  sun,  moon  and  stars,  and  of 
earth  itself?  It  is  safe  to  say  that  his  answers  to 
these  questions  have  been  pretty  much  what  other 
primitive  peoples  have  given.  If  the  wind  blows, 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


it  is  a spirit  grown  restless;  if  the  lightning  flashes, 
it  is  the  angry  hiss  of  a malignant  spirit;  if  sun 
and  moon  travel  through  the  air,  they  are  power- 
ful gods,  far  removed,  but  remotely  affecting  the 
earth;  if  an  eclipse  comes,  the  gods  in  anger  hide 
their  faces;  if  wild  beasts  roar  and  serpents  hiss, 
these  are  the  emissaries  of  evil  spirits.  Thus  every- 
thing that  moves  is  endowed  with  life  and  intel- 
ligence. The  Eskimo,  for  instance,  is  persuaded 
that  a watch  is  a living  thing  because  its  parts  move. 

Naturally,  the  African  first  feared  the  mysterious 
living  spirits;  then  sought  to  pacify  and  bribe  by 
the  only  offerings  valuable  in  his  own  eyes — the 
food  and  drink  which  satisfied  and  made  content. 
His  idea  of  spirits  was  the  reflection  of  his  scant 
knowledge  of  himself — a half-true,  half-false, 
canon  of  interpretation  which  becomes  wholly  false 
when  the  other  half  is  unknown  or  forgotten;  for 
the  idea  of  self  must  also  be  the  reflection  of  God’s 
knowledge  of  us  and  of  His  purpose  for  us  and  our 
knowledge  of  Him. 

In  many  tribes,  a belief  in  a double  personality 
prevails,  and  this  the  African  proves  by  the  wan- 
dering of  oneself  when,  in  the  dream  of  sleep,  he 
goes  upon  journeys,  meets  friends  or  enemies, 
engages  in  sports,  or  conflict,  and  returns,  filled  with 
experiences,  to  the  other  self  which  has  been  quietly 
asleep  all  the  while.  And  because  this  dream-self 
meets,  sometimes,  the  spirits  of  the  dead,  therefore 
one  of  these  selves  must  live  after  death.  This  gives 
rise,  too,  to  the  belief  that  one  of  these  personal 
spirits  is  not  inseparable  from  the  body,  but  may  go 

20 


The  Negro  in  Africa 


out  at  pleasure  at  any  time,  and  inhabit  other  men, 
or  even  beasts.  This  spirit,  or  Kra,  makes  its  exit 
through  the  mouth  always,  and  since  these  Kras  are 
moving  about  at  large,  a strange  Kra  may  slip  into 
the  unoccupied  place  of  another,  and  cause  no  end 
of  mischief;  it  is  important,  therefore,  not  to  sleep 
with  the  mouth  open. 

When  a man  loses  his  Kra,  illness  results,  and 
the  witch  doctor  must  be  called  in,  who  brings  a 
good  Kra,  or  dream-soul,  in  a basket.  If  successful 
in  getting  this  new  Kra  into  the  sick  man’s  mouth, 
recovery  results.  So,  too,  when  the  Kra  of  the  dead 
lingers  about  the  home,  sickness  is  caused,  and  only 
the  doctor,  by  inducing  the  Kra  to  move  on  to  the 
land  of  the  dead,  can  thus  restore  the  living  to 
health.  In  time,  however,  among  many  tribes,  the 
Kra  returns  to  make  his  abode  in  a newborn  infant, 
whose  features  and  actions  disclose  the  identity  of 
the  Kra.  Miss  Kingsley  notes  the  incident  of  an 
identification.  When  a baby  has  grasped  a pipe 
shown  him,  the  mother  is  sure  that  “he  is  Uncle 
John.  See,  he  knows  his  pipe !”  The  reader  may 
find  some  correspondence  between  this  notion  of  the 
double  personality  and  those  entertained  by  the 
scholarly  psychologists  of  the  Caucasian  race  in 
their  dissertation  upon  the  supra-normal  self,  and 
like  manifestations. 

This  feature  has  been  dwelt  upon  because  it 
serves  to  convey  the  point  of  view  of  the  Negro, 
surrounded  by  the  spirits  of  gods  and  devils  and 
dead  men,  and  living  too;  and  the  spirits  of  every 
life  and  force  of  Nature, — a perfect  swarm  of 

21 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


spirits,  nearly  all  of  whom  are  busy  meddling  with 
the  affairs  of  men,  and  who  must  be  outwitted  or 
bribed  or  won  over  if  disaster  is  to  be  avoided.  Life 
is  thus  a tragic  drama  unending,  whose  comedy, 
however,  is  constantly  realized  in  the  outwitting  of 
the  cunning  spirits,  and  the  overcoming  of  the  pow- 
erful by  ingenious  strategy. 

Every  tribe  has  a secret  society,  through  which 
every  freeman  must  pass.  In  the  course  of  this 
education,  should  a boy  be  found  who  can  see 
spirits,  he  is  assigned  to  the  medical  profession,  and 
is  apprenticed  to  a witch-doctor  to  whom  a good  fee 
must  be  paid,  and  who  instructs  him  in  the  myste- 
ries of  the  spirit-world.  He  accompanies  his  teacher, 
picks  up  his  bedside  manner,  learns  to  howl  in  a 
professional  way,  and,  if  possible,  how  to  simulate 
epilepsy.  A knowledge,  also  of  the  dispositions  of 
the  prospective  patients,  their  financial  standing,  the 
scandals  of  the  people,  is  of  great  value  to  the 
budding  doctor.  Perhaps  this  method  of  practice 
may  seem  absurd;  but,  in  spite  of  this,  many  of  the 
doctors  possess  a fund  of  wisdom  in  dealing  with 
human  nature,  and  also  a store  of  knowledge  of 
medical  herbs,  which  has  been  of  great  value  in  later 
times  to  the  white  explorers  and  missionaries,  as 
well  as  to  the  Negroes.  According  to  the  lights  which 
they  possess,  they  are  guided  often  by  the  same 
motives  which  sway  the  civilized  physician,  and 
apply  the  same  method  of  investigation  employed 
by  the  enlightened  scientist.  The  most  that  should 
be  said  is  that  the  African  doctor  is  behind  the 
times.  Yet,  even  here,  it  is  interesting  to  know,  and 

22 


The  Negro  in  Africa 


simple  justice  to  Africa  to  repeat  the  record,  that 
for  many  centuries  men  of  the  Yoruba  tribe  have 
known  that  smallpox  is  produced  by  the  evil  god 
Shank-panna  whose  agents  are  mosquitoes  and 
flies;  and  there  are  not  a few  examples  of  doctors 
who  examine  their  patients,  locate  the  disease  by 
scientific  diagnosis,  and  prescribe  both  diet  and 
medicine.  In  general  terms,  “religion  and  medi- 
cine” are  one  and  the  same  in  the  mind  of  the  Afri- 
can, since  all  medical  practice  is  contact  with  the 
spirits. 

A priestly  caste,  consisting  of  three  orders,  pre- 
vails in  some  of  these  tribes.  Each  order  repre- 
sents a class  of  gods.  Their  office  is  hereditary, 
but  is  replenished  through  the  secret  society  of  the 
tribe  which  forms  a school  of  training  for  the 
priest,  as  for  the  doctor.  Idols  are  much  used,  to 
whom  sacrifices  are  offered  in  worship  of  the  god 
represented. 

The  very  high  development  in  aesthetics  is  so 
conspicuous  a characteristic  of  the  Negro  as  to 
make  a racial  differentiation.  No  other  race  is  so 
musical,  no  other  more  given  to  dancing,  no  other 
so  profuse  in  personal  decorations. 

The  boatman  sings  all  day  long,  keeping  time 
with  his  paddle;  the  woman  pounds  grain  in  time 
with  her  chants;  the  farmer,  with  his  hoe.  Joy, 
grief,  love,  pain,  are  all  expressed  in  spontaneous 
song.  In  some  regions,  professional  musicians 
chant  the  chronicles  of  their  tribes.  Sometimes  the 
strolling  minstrel  sings  the  folklore,  reciting  the 
experiences  of  men  with  animals,  of  animals  with 

23 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


animals,  acting  the  parts  as  he  sings  the  story.  In 
writing  of  these,  Miss  Kingsley  thus  closes  her 
vivid  description : “O ! that  was  something  like  a 
song ! It  would  have  roused  a rock  to  enthusiasm ; 
a civilized  audience  would  have  smothered  its  singer 
with  bouquets!” 

Dancing,  too,  is  a mode  of  expressing  feeling, 
almost  universal.  Scarcely  a night  but  somewhere 
in  a village  the  dance  is  in  progress.  Among  all 
people,  indeed,  the  bodily  expression  of  inward 
emotion  is  the  natural  ritual  of  communication.  The 
savage  does  not  find  vent  for  his  emotions  in  the 
numberless  ways  acquired  by  civilized  people — 
through  writing,  painting,  the  drama,  discoursive 
language  and  the  like ; but  he  combines  them  all  in 
the  dance,  just  as  at  other  times  they  are  all 
expressed  in  music.  It  is  a mistake  to  suppose  that 
his  dancing  is  always  sensuous  and  frivolous.  There 
is  enough  of  this,  it  is  true;  but  at  times  his  deep- 
est emotions  are  also  thus  expressed.  There  is  the 
dance  of  religious  fervor,  of  preparation  for  war, 
of  celebration  of  victory,  of  lament  for  loss,  in  the 
planting  time,  and  in  the  harvest.  Such  dances 
inspire  devotion,  courage,  industry,  patriotism,  and 
tribal  unity  in  a common  cause. 

But  the  aesthetics  of  the  Negro  are  still  more 
vividly  and  luridly  illustrated  in  his  personal  deco- 
rations, at  all  times  from  a sense  of  beauty,  some- 
times as  tribal  insignia.  Tattooing,  in  some  tribes; 
painting,  in  most  of  them;  the  wearing  of  orna- 
ments on  foreheads,  in  cheeks  or  lips  or  ears  or 
nose;  the  filing  of  teeth,  or  even  the  extraction  of 

24 


The  Negro  in  Africa 


one  or  more,  are  usual  forms  of  decorations.  Body- 
painting is  the  practice  of  the  Nile  tribes;  and,  in 
the  west,  the  dyeing  of  hands,  feet,  eyebrows,  and 
lips.  Artistic  head-dresses  and  the  dyeing  of  hair 
seem  popular  among  many  tribes.  In  the  cotton 
area,  the  use  of  fancy  dyed  cloth  prevails.  The 
styles  are  graceful  and  picturesque.  Where  straw 
goods  are  made,  the  head-dress  is  both  useful  and 
ornamental  in  a high  degree. 

A natural  question  is,  to  what  is  the  backward- 
ness of  the  Negro  in  Africa  due?  This  is  not  a 
merely  forensic  question.  To  prejudiced  people,  it 
is  dismissed  as  a waste  of  time,  since  to  such  people 
the  Negro  is  incapable  of  anything  better.  But 
prejudice  is,  of  all  mental  conditions,  the  least  fa- 
vorable to  the  satisfactory  solution  of  any  question. 
Our  question  has  had  varying  answers  from  many 
students,  among  which  the  following,  given  in 
Dowd’s  Negro  Races,  seems  a conservative  mean. 

“The  backwardness  of  the  Negro  in  Africa  is 
not  due  directly  to  lack  of  mental  capacity,  but  to 
unfavorable  environment.  If  any  other  race  had 
peopled  Africa  in  early  neolithic  times,  and  re- 
mained there  until  now,  it  would  have  advanced  no 
higher  than  the  present  culture-level  of  the  Negro.” 

Africa  lies  almost  wholly  in  the  hot,  humid  zone 
of  the  Tropics,  save  for  the  vast  Desert  of  Sahara 
to  the  north.  There  is,  indeed,  another  vast  area 
on  the  temperate  side  of  the  Tropic  of  Capricorn 
which,  at  sight,  inspires  hope  for  the  development 
of  a rich,  virile  civilization ; but  an  examination  of 
the  isotherms  reveals  conditions  uncongenial  to  the 

25 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


spontaneous  development  of  a high  type  of  civili- 
zation. Even  as  low  as  Natal  and  Cape  Colony, 
the  coastal  belt  produces  tropical  fruits  like  all  the 
rest  of  Africa.  In  such  environs  the  negro  tribes 
lived  in  isolation  from  other  races;  cut  off  from  the 
Mediterranean  Empire  by  the  Sahara  Desert,  and 
from  Europe  and  Asia  by  the  Atlantic  and  Indian 
Oceans.  Whatever  stimulus  to  development  may 
come  from  contact  with  other  peoples — and  there 
is  much — was  denied  to  the  Negro,  save  that  which 
arose  from  inter-racial  conflict  among  themselves, 
an  unceasing  bar  to  higher  development  for  any 
race,  and  seemingly  inseparable  from  racial  isola- 
tion. 

And  yet  a distinct  progress  is  clearly  manifested 
through  facts  which  stand  out  in  eloquent  boldness. 
On  the  one  hand,  we  see  the  Pygmies,  without 
organization  or  law  or  even  language  save  the  most 
meager,  with  scarce  enough  even  of  settled  custom 
to  fix  any  habits  of  moral  life.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  most  advanced  tribes  of  north  and  east  Africa, 
like  the  Yorubas,  the  Zulus,  and  the  Kaffirs,  exhibit 
a marked  degree  of  progress.  Here  are  well- 
defined  organizations;  codes  of  laws  which,  how- 
ever they  fall  short  of  ours,  are  actual  codes  suf- 
ficing for  them;  moral  codes  which,  however  far 
from  the  Christian  standard,  yet  form  codes  to  be 
obeyed  and  enforced;  a language  (in  the  case  of 
the  Kaffirs)  “adequate  for  the  expression  of  any 
ideas  whatever”;  industries  sufficiently  developed 
to  meet  backward  needs ; a highly  developed 
aesthetic  sense;  enough  of  self-control  to  conserve 

26 


The  Negro  in  Africa 


courage;  and  a fair  degree  of  steadfastness  of  pur- 
pose. Among  the  very  highest  type,  is  found  the 
practice  of  the  virtues  of  affection,  kindness,  and 
mutual  helpfulness;  of  honesty  in  their  own  group, 
even  to  punishing  the  liar — and  much  more.  Who 
can  gainsay  the  fact  of  progress  far  too  great  to 
be  overlooked?  Who  can  say  what  might  have 
been  attained  under  more  favorable  conditions? 
Who  can  say  what  further  progress — slow,  very 
slow,  and  deliberate — awaits  achievements,  in  view 
of  that  which,  in  the  past,  has  been  distinctly  and, 
in  many  cases,  wholly  their  very  own  ? It  is  beside 
our  purpose  to  make  a comparison  of  races.  Our 
study  is  of  the  Negro  himself ; and  our  findings 
prove,  what  naturally  would  have  been  expected  of 
God's  creation,  a people  worth  while  in  themselves. 

What  has  been  the  effect  of  the  coming  of  civi- 
lized people  to  these  backward  races?  The  well- 
nigh  universal  testimony  is  proclaimed  as  a tragic 
wail,  that  contact  with  the  white  man  has,  upon  the 
whole,  been  degrading,  not  elevating  to  the  Negro. 
And  this  is  consistently  true,  though  with  bright 
and  hopeful  exceptions  here  and  there. 

From  the  demoralizing  era  of  the  slave-traffic, 
involving  robbing,  cheating,  the  violation  of  the 
most  solemn  treaties,  and  the  bad  example  of  pri- 
vate life,  up  to  the  settling  of  the  Congo,  the  one 
aim  of  the  white  man  has  been  his  own  profit  at 
whatever  cost  to  the  natives.  Certain,  and  often 
great,  advantages  to  the  Negro  have  been  sought 
and  gained  by  the  Christian  Church  and  by  scien- 
tific efforts;  but  these  are  small  beside  the  hurt 

27 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


inflicted  by  the  horde  of  profit-seeking,  selfish  for- 
tune-hunters, to  whom  the  Negro  is  a savage  of  the 
lower  order,  to  be  tramped  upon. 

To  quote  Miss  Kingsley  again:  “It  is  an  unfor- 
tunate concomitant  of  European  civilization  that  its 
first  impress  has,  almost  without  exception,  been  dis- 
astrous to  the  people  of  lower  degree  of  culture  than 
the  European  standards.  For  every  sincere  bearer 
of  the  banner  of  the  Prince  of  Peace  there  were  a 
hundred  reckless  buccaneers,  without  one  thought 
of  the  spiritual  or  physical  welfare  of  the  ‘savage 
heathen’  whom  they  met.  It  is  so  in  the  case  of 
Africa.  Down  both  coasts,  the  European  civiliza- 
tion marched,  one  missionary  disposed  to  recognize 
the  brotherhood  of  man,  and  a hundred  freebooters 
insistent  that  to  the  victor  belong  the  spoils.”  Miss 
Kingsley’s  language  is  mild,  and  is  quoted  because 
of  its  tone. 

But  happily  there  is  another  side  here,  too,  to 
relieve  the  tragic  gloom  of  the  picture.  Concern- 
ing the  comparatively  large  endeavors  of  the  Chris- 
tian missionaries  of  Uganda  in  East  Africa,  and  of 
those  on  the  West  Coast,  it  is  most  encouraging  to 
be  able  to  quote  from  Dowd : 

“Contact  with  the  Europeans  has  done  much  to 
lift  the  Waganda  (Uganda)  from  their  savagery. 
It  has  diminished  wars,  human  sacrifices,  trial  by 
ordeal;  and  has  reformed  the  administration  of 
justice.  Many  Mission-schools  have  Christianized 
and  enlightened  the  masses.  It  is  claimed  that 
200,000  (this  is  eight  years  ago)  of  the  natives  can 
read  and  write.  In  religious,  as  in  other  innovations, 

28 


The  Negro  in  Africa 


however,  the  transformation  has  been  too  sudden, 
and  not  always  adapted  to  native  psychology.” 

This  is  a mere  word  about  a truly  great  mission, 
on  a nation-wide  scale,  whose  success  constitutes 
one  of  the  really  great  romances  of  modern  times. 
Unhappily,  it  does  not  fall  to  our  lot  to  relate  its 
history,  but  the  reader  will  miss  much  if  he  fails 
to  learn  the  story  as  told  by  the  English  Church 
missionaries. 

Special  attention  is  called  to  the  closing  sentence 
of  the  quotation  above;  for,  in  it,  the  finger  is  put 
upon  the  crux  of  the  problem  of  Christian  evangeli- 
zation, whether  in  Africa  or  in  America,  among 
the  Negroes  or  the  Indians,  or  wherever  one  race 
evangelizes  another.  When  Bishop  Tucker  of 
Uganda  writes,  one  feels  himself  to  be  at  the  feet 
of  an  expert.  “Were  I asked,”  he  writes,  “to  give 
my  opinion  as  to  what,  in  my  estimation,  has  most 
hindered  the  development  and  independence  of  the 
native  Churches,  I should  unhesitatingly  answer, 
that  deep-rooted  tendency  which  there  is  in  the 
Anglo-Saxon  character  to  Anglicize  everything 
with  which  it  comes  in  contact.”  And  recently, 
upon  his  visit  to  America,  Dr.  King,  President  of 
the  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel,  and 
formerly  Bishop  of  Zanzibar,  expressed  substan- 
tially the  same  judgment. 

The  reluctance  of  the  white  race,  whether  in  Eng- 
land or  America,  to  permit  the  negro  race  to  de- 
velop his  own  Christian  civilization  with  all  of 
racial  coloring  and  aesthetic  characteristics,  has 
long  been  restively  regarded  by  many  of  us.  Chris- 

29 


.Wanted  - Leaders ! 


tianity  is  not  a racial,  but  a catholic,  religion;  not 
obliterating  racial  characteristics,  but  regenerating 
them.  A superficial  expression  of  this  is  the  asser- 
tion so  often  made,  “religion  must  adapt  itself  to 
peoples.”  Christianity  is  a life,  and  life  is  not 
adaptable,  it  is  adoptable.  Once  adopted,  it  grows 
and,  therefore,  takes  form.  It  is  the  form  that  is 
adaptable;  and  when  the  life  is  permitted  to  grow 
normally,  it  appropriates  and  consecrates  the  form 
that  is  adaptable  to  the  personality  that  it  inhabits. 

Christianity  is  nowhere  and  at  no  time  to  be 
adapted  to  anybody;  but  anybody  may  be  adapted 
to  Christianity,  as  the  power  (not  the  form)  of  its 
life  transforms  and  transfuses  man.  Racial  traits 
and  tendencies  are  so  slow  to  change,  that  it  is  a 
very  real  question  whether  they  really  do  change, 
or  whether  they  are  only  modified  or  quickened  or 
redirected  with  the  change  of  environment  which 
new  climes  or  training,  or  education  produce. 

If  this  be  true,  the  sum  total  of  the  process  of 
civilization  would  be  a Caucasian  civilization,  and  a 
Negro,  and  an  Indian,  no  matter  how  much  each 
contributed  to  the  other  in  the  fashioning  of  his 
own.  Would  it  not  be  a great  loss  to  the  culture  of 
the  human  family,  if  all  the  races  were  to  lose  their 
predominant  characteristics,  and  were  to  be  reduced 
to  a dead  medium  level?  But,  thank  God,  this  is 
impossible,  in  spite  of  the  seeming  ambition  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  to  Anglo-Saxonize  all  peoples,  and 
of  the  Teuton  to  Teutonize  the  world.  Statesmen 
may  have  been  sometimes  unfortunate  in  applying 
the  canon  of  “self-determination” ; but  it  has  its 

30 


The  Negro  in  Africa 


place,  in  creation,  a place  which  the  God  of  infinite 
variety  has  sanctioned. 

A glance  now,  momentary  but  very  earnestly 
thoughtful,  toward  the  concrete  fruits  of  the  Chris- 
tian Mission  to  Africa,  will  throw  another  ray  of 
light  upon  our  own  Mission  at  home.  The  picture 
drawn  by  close  and  sympathetic  observers  is  some- 
thing like  the  moving  picture  of  a continuous 
drama.  In  the  beginning,  the  converted,  tutored 
Negroes  were  much  like  children  with  a new  toy 
among  playmates  with  none.  Artificially  trained 
and  educated,  moulded  in  a strange  pattern,  they 
stood  aloof  from,  and  above,  their  less  fortunate 
old-time  fellows,  or  else  reverted  to  the  old  type. 
Vain  and  prideful  in  their  new  attainments,  they 
looked  down  with  contempt  upon  the  uninitiated. 
This,  of  course,  was  not  always  so;  but  it  was, 
perhaps,  the  natural  first  consequence  of  a rapid 
change  and  too  quickly  acquired  distinction  among 
their  own  people. 

Exceptions  there  were  among  the  Europeanized 
Africans,  enough  to  encourage  hope  of  the  better 
day.  Some  there  were  who  would  “no  more  have 
dropped  their  store  clothes  and  gone  cannibalizing 
than  we  would.”  And  the  new  day  slowly  came 
through  the  gamut  of  recurring  improvements  and 
relapses  which  characterizes  human  progress  in 
every  race.  There  were  the  isolated  leaders,  the 
greater  in  their  day  because  fashioned  without  a 
racial  mould,  to  become  by  God’s  grace  the  ensigns 
for  the  gradual  gathering  of  their  several 
peoples. 


31 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


“Men  of  large  mould,  like  the  Rev.  Thomas  J. 
Marshall,  of  Porto  Novo,  who  was  born  in  one  of 
the  blackest  spots  in  darkest  Africa,  and  who  has 
been  instrumental  in  leading  a whole  people  into 
the  knowledge  and  practice  of  Christianity;  the 
Rev.  Jacob  Anaman,  a native  minister  of  the  Gold 
Coast,  who  has  been  made  a fellow  of  the  Royal 
Geographical  Society;  Sir  Samuel  Lewis,  Mayor 
of  Freetown,  a native  of  Sierra  Leone,  who,  in 
1893,  was  appointed  a companion  of  the  Order  of 
St.  Michael  and  St.  George,  and  was  recently  dis- 
tinguished by  the  Order  of  Knighthood — the  first 
pure  Negro  on  whom  such  honor  has  been  con- 
ferred. He  is  an  exemplary  follower  of  the  Christ. 
And  Bishop  Crowther,  the  first  of  his  race  to  be 
called  to  that  sacred  office,  whose  story  is  known  to 
all  the  world.  Following  in  his  footsteps  we  have, 
at  the  present  time,  Bishop  Phillips  and  Oluwole, 
two  excellent  and  worthy  natives  connected  with 
the  Church  Missionary  Society  of  the  Church  of 
England.”  And  last,  there  is  to  be  added  to  this 
list,  Bishop  Theophilus  Momolu  Gardiner,  of 
Liberia,  a native  Bushman,  recently  consecrated  and 
charged  with  the  sacred  mission  of  leading  his 
heathen  tribe  to  the  foot  of  the  Cross. 

These  isolated  leaders  have  been  and  are  becom- 
ing the  forerunners  of  the  many  lesser  who  must 
be  born  out  of  the  uplifted  population  of  their 
tribes.  For  until  the  whole  population  is  so  far 
elevated  that  the  few  exceptional  real  leaders  are 
the  spontaneous  fruit  of  the  tribal  tree,  real  and 
permanent  progress  has  not  yet  been  made.  But 

32 


The  Negro  in  Africa 


then  there  will  be  leadership  indeed,  because  it  will 
be  recognized  as  the  result  of  the  native  Christian 
life.  Such  leadership,  in  fullest  sympathy  with  the 
life  from  which  it  sprang,  will  arouse  enthusiasm, 
and,  in  the  Master’s  name  and  power,  draw  all  men 
to  Him. 


53 


Chapter  II 


THE  NEGRO  IN  LIBERIA 

T N the  previous  chapter,  attention  was  called 
briefly  to  the  effect,  upon  the  negro  races  in 
Africa,  of  contact  with  the  whites.  It  was  seen 
that,  while  the  efforts  of  Christian  explorers  and 
missionaries  have  resulted  locally  in  good  to  these 
backward  races  in  their  own  land,  the  benefits  have 
been  vastly  more  than  offset  by  the  widespread 
horrors  of  the  white  slave-trader  and  exploiter,  and 
by  the  harm  resulting  from  the  introduction  of  the 
liquor  and  the  vices  of  the  white  man.  But  how 
does  it  fare  with  the  Negro  when  his  contact  with 
the  white  race  is  elsewhere  than  in  Africa?  Or 
what  is  the  result  when  the  Negro  in  Africa  is  given 
an  opportunity  for  self-development  under  more  or 
less  favorable  conditions  and  with  only  helpful 
contact  with  the  whites?  Of  the  former  condition, 
the  United  States  accords  of  course  the  most  illumi- 
nating example,  while  the  free  colony  of  Liberia 
gives  the  best  answer  to  our  second  inquiry.  These, 
together  with  the  negro  republics  of  the  Island  of 
Haiti  will  prove  the  surest  guides  in  our  study  of 
what  can  be  made  of  the  Negro  and  what  he  can 
make  of  himself  under  varying  degrees  of  contact 
with  the  white  race;  therefore,  before  turning  to 
our  main  subject  of  study,  we  will  consider  the 
Negro  in  Liberia  and  in  Haiti. 

35 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


On  the  west  coast  of  Africa,  just  where  the  enor- 
mous back-head  of  the  continent  makes  its  turn 
upward,  lies  the  little  republic  of  Liberia.  Along 
this  upward  waterline  of  the  head,  it  stretches  for 
about  five  hundred  miles,  from  the  Ivory  Coast  to 
Sierra  Leone,  while  its  other  boundary  lines  run  ir- 
regularly into  the  interior,  enclosing  an  area  of 
41,000  square  miles. 

In  1816,  the  American  Colonization  Society  was 
organized  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  a home, 
in  the  land  of  their  forefathers,  for  the  American 
Negroes  who  had  regained  their  freedom.  Hence 
the  name  Liberia,  which  was  given  to  the  small 
area  at  first  acquired  from  the  natives  and  later 
much  enlarged.  Jehudi  Ashmun,  an  American,  is 
credited  with  the  actual  founding  of  the  colony  in 
1823. 

The  first,  and  perhaps  the  only,  motive  of  the 
Society  was  to  fulfill  what  they  regarded  as  their 
solemn  duty  to  the  freed  Negroes,  and  to  do  this  in 
a way  which- they  thought  ought  to  be  most  agree- 
able to  the  Negroes  themselves.  No  thought,  ap- 
parently, was  given  to  the  tribes  who  would  be 
neighbors  of  the  new  colonists.  In  the  many 
years  since  the  founding  of  the  little  Republic,  the 
population  of  American  Negroes  has  reached  only 
the  small  aggregate  of  from  14,000  to  15,000,  liv- 
ing in  coastal  regions.  Contrary  to  expectations 
in  America  (and  very  likely  also  in  Liberia),  of  a 
spontaneous  movement  of  Negroes  to  Liberia  after 
their  emancipation,  less  than  2,000  have  availed 
themselves,  since  the  Civil  War,  of  the  privilege  of 

36 


The  Negro  in  Liberia 


returning  to  the  land  of  their  fathers.  The  balance 
of  the  population  is  made  up  of  some  40,000  natives 
— some  of  them  Christians — upon  or  within  reach 
of  the  coast,  and  at  least  a million  more  who  pos- 
sess the  interior.  The  greater  part  of  these  last 
are  still  savages,  a few  are  Christians,  while  many 
have  embraced  the  Mohammedan  religion. 

It  does  not  require  a vivid  imagination  to  picture 
the  tragic  condition  of  the  earlier  colonists  as  they 
arrived  in  the  fatherland,  and  faced  a wild  coun- 
try to  be  subdued,  savage  kinsmen  who  were  their 
foes,  a land  without  law,  and  a climate  without 
kindness.  These  freed  Negroes  were,  by  training 
and  experience,  alien  to  the  natives,  and  strangers 
to  their  fatherland.  The  story  of  those  early 
years  must  be  read  elsewhere ; but  this  merest  hint 
cannot  but  call  forth  sympathy  for  the  actors  in 
the  drama. 

For  twenty-five  years  the  colonization  society 
directed  the  colonial  policies,  until,  in  1847,  the 
colonists  declared  Liberia  free  and  self-governing, 
and  fashioned  a government  modelled  after  that  of 
their  native  America.  Since  then,  the  Republic  of 
Liberia  has  held  its  place  among  the  nations  of  the' 
world,  and  its  unique  position  as  the  only  State  in 
Africa  over  which  the  Negro  exercises  authority. 
All  the  rest  of  the  continent  has  been  divided  among 
the  European  nations. 

Of  the  effort  of  the  Church  to  supply  this  lonely 
colony  with  her  ministrations,  it  is  not  our  purpose 
to  speak  in  detail.  That  has  been  done  elsewhere. 
Our  present  object  is  to  see  what  the  Liberians 

37 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


themselves  have  accomplished  with  the  assistance 
of  the  Church.  We  may  therefore  pass  over,  with 
very  brief  notice,  the  story  of  the  Church  in 
Liberia,  until  the  time  when  she  developed  a bishop 
of  the  negro  race. 

In  1833,  through  the  activities  of  Governor  Hall 
and  others,  a parish  was  organized  at  Monrovia 
under  the  auspices  of  the  American  Episcopal 
Church  whose  interest  in  the  well-being  of  the 
colony  had  early  been  enlisted.  Two  years  later, 
Mr.  James  M.  Thompson,  a negro  layman  who,  as 
lay-reader,  had  been  holding  the  flock  together, 
accepted  the  appointment  as  missionary  on  the  part 
of  the  Church  in  America.  A small  appropriation 
was  made,  and  a school  was  built  at  Mount 
Vaughan  and  opened,  in  1836,  with  five  boys  and 
two  girls  as  the  beginning  of  an  educational  work 
which  has  been  a feature  of  supreme  importance  to 
the  development  of  the  Liberian  Church  and  to  the 
Republic.  On  Christmas  Day  of  that  year,  the 
Rev.  Thomas  S.  Savage,  M.  D.,  arrived  from  Con- 
necticut, the  first  white  missionary  sent  by  our 
Church  to  a foreign  field. 

In  1837,  the  Rev.  and  Mrs.  John  Payne  and  the 
Rev.  Lancelot  B.  Minor,  of  Virginia,  arrived,  fol- 
lowed by  others  in  fairly  quick  succession.  For 
fifteen  years  these  devoted  servants  of  our  Lord, 
battling  with  an  unhealthy  tropical  climate,  labored 
to  establish  the  faith  of  the  Colonists  and  to  spread 
the  Gospel  among  the  neighboring  natives.  In  1851, 
the  Rev.  John  Payne  was  called  home  to  be  conse- 
crated and  sent  back  as  “Bishop  of  Cape  Palmas 

38 


The  Negro  in  Liberia 


and  Parts  Adjacent”;  and,  until  1869,  he  skillfully 
guided  the  enterprises  of  the  Church.  It  is  proba- 
bly true  to  say  that  nowhere  and  at  no  time  since 
the  first  three  centuries  of  the  Christian  Era,  has 
there  been  so  much  of  heroism,  and  of  tragedy, 
bravely  and  quietly  and  naturally  endured,  as  in 
this  mission  of  Liberia  during  the  period  of  eigh- 
teen years  which  Bishop  Payne’s  Episcopate  covered 
and  in  the  thirteen  preceding  it.  It  is  rightly  called 
the  “Period  of  Establishment,”  when,  at  the  cost 
of  quite  one-fourth  of  the  splendid  lives  devoted  to 
the  cause,  the  foundation  of  the  now  native  Church 
was  firmly  laid  both  to  resist  every  shock  of  heathen 
attack  and  to  offer  its  strength  to  the  superstructure 
of  the  native  living  Temple  of  God. 

And  the  call  upon  faith  and  zeal,  so  peremptory 
in  Bishop  Payne’s  life,  was  echoed  to  the  Church 
at  home.  The  answer  came  in  the  persons  of  both 
white  and  negro  volunteers ; among  them,  the  Rev. 
Eli  W.  Stokes,  and  the  Rev.  Thomas  A.  Pinckney, 
both  of  them  negro  priests. 

Though  it  had  been  the  consistent  dream  of 
Bishop  Payne,  and  his  steady  labor  to  realize  it, 
that  Liberia  should  develop  its  own  pastors, — that 
the  tree  should  bear  its  own  appropriate  fruit, — 
it  was  not  until  negro  volunteers  in  America  came 
forward  that  he  could  dare  to  feel  that  the  tree  was 
ready  for  the  fruit-bearing  so  needful  to  its  life.  In 
1853,  the  staff  of  negro  clergy  was  greatly  strength- 
ened by  the  coming  of  the  Rev.  Alexander  Crum- 
mell,  whose  father  was  a native  of  the  Gold  Coast. 
The  Republic  soon  established  the  Liberian  College, 

39 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


of  which  Dr.  Crummell  was  a distinguished  pro- 
fessor. Throughout  its  history,  College  and  Church 
have  been  closely  associated  in  developing  the  Re- 
public. Already,  through  the  schools  which  had 
gradually  grown  in  number  as  in  attendance,  the 
boys  and  girls  had  been  preparing  to  take  their 
places  in  the  College,  and  as  teachers  and  guides  and 
pastors  of  their  people.  The  corning  of  Stokes  and 
Crummell  and  Pinckney  and  their  Christian  wives, 
furnished  models  in  racial  kind  to  both  boys  and 
girls,  though  Mrs.  Thompson,  widow  of  the  first 
lay-reader,  had  long  been  a wholesome  example. 
Speedily  volunteers  offered;  and,  in  the  Report  of 
1853,  news  was  sent  home  of  the  admission  of  two 
candidates  for  Holy  Orders  from  among  the  natives 
— Ku  Sia,  who,  upon  baptism,  had  received  the 
name,  Clement  F.  Jones;  and  Mu  Su,  renamed 
John  Musu  Minor.  These  men,  ordained  on  Easter, 
April  16th,  1853,  were  the  first  products  of  the 
Liberian  Church  Schools.  Following  these  ordina- 
tions, a stream  of  native  applicants,  small  indeed  as 
was  natural,  flowed  steadily  into  the  ordained  min- 
istry of  the  Church. 

But  evidently  the  negro  colonists  of  Liberia  had 
not  yet  proved  their  ability  to  organize  and  maintain 
an  independent  native  Church.  This  was  natural 
enough,  for  the  colonists  were  poor  and  the  Repub- 
lic itself  had  not  yet  learned  how  to  turn  its  natural 
resources  to  profitable  account.  Hence  the  Church 
in  Liberia  had  to  depend  almost  entirely  on  financial 
help  from  the  American  Church. 

40 


The  Negro  in  Liberia 


In  1855,  the  Board  of  Missions  in  New  York, 
through  its  Foreign  Committee,  took  the  following 
action,  which  changed  the  entire  status  of  the  work 
in  Liberia.  “Resolved:  That  the  whole  extent  of 
the  American  Colonial  Settlements  in  Western 
Africa,  including  the  State  of  Liberia  and  the  col- 
ony of  Cape  Palmas,  is  considered  as  a missionary 
station  occupied  by  this  Committee.”  From  this 
time  on,  the  Mission  of  the  Church  was  no  longer 
the  Cape  Palmas  Colony  and  its  near  neighbor- 
hood, but  was  co-terminous  with  the  whole  Prov- 
ince of  Liberia. 

This  is,  therefore,  a good  time  to  review  the 
achievements  of  these  most  difficult  years.  The  Ca- 
ralla  Messenger,  the  mission  journal  published  in 
Cape  Palmas,  contains  this  interesting  summary : 
“It  is  just  19  years,  last  Christmas  Day,  since  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Savage  formally  opened  the  Mission  at 
Mount  Vaughan  in  the  only  building  connected 
with  it,  and  this  but  half  finished.  On  that  day, 
only  about  a half-dozen  communicants,  if  so  many, 
were  connected  with  the  Episcopal  Church.  Since 
then,  ‘through  the  good  hand  of  our  God  upon 
us,’  the  Mission  has  established  permanent  stations, 
of  greater  or  less  efficiency,  at  fourteen  different 
places,  amongst  colonists  and  natives.  It  has 
expended  for  churches,  mission-houses,  and  school- 
houses,  a sum  not  less  than  one  hundred  thousand 
dollars.  In  the  day  and  boarding-schools  sustained 
by  it,  not  fewer  than  three  thousand  children  and 
adults  have  received  the  rudiments  of  a Christian 
education.  From  six,  the  communicants — some  of 

41 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


whom  are  now  living,  some  dead — foreign,  colo- 
nists and  natives — have  numbered  at  least  three  hun- 
dred. The  number,  at  the  present  time,  is  two  hun- 
dred and  forty-one.  The  blessed  Gospel  is  preached 
regularly  to  four  colonist  congregations,  in  some 
twenty  different  native  tribes,  and  to  one  hundred 
thousand  people.  There  are  now,  including  the 
Orphan  Asylum,  seven  commodious  mission- 
houses,  three  churches  completed  and  a fourth 
nearly  so — two  being  of  stone,  one  brick,  and  one 
wood — besides  one  very  superior  school-house  and 
several  more  indifferent,  for  colonists  and  natives. 
A more  sufficient  cause  of  thankfulness  still,  is  to 
be  found  in  the  number  and  character  of  the  schools 
connected  with  the  Mission.  The  High  School  and 
female  day-school  at  Mount  Vaughan;  the  Orphan 
Asylum  at  Harper;  the  native  schools  at  Fish- 
town,  Rocktown,  Cape  Palmas,  Cavalla,  Hening 
Station,  Rockbookah,  and  Taboo;  the  boarding 
and  colonist  day-school  at  Bassa  Cove,  the  Female 
High  School  at  Monrovia,  and  the  native  boarding 
and  colonist  day-school  at  Clay-Ashland,  give  evi- 
dence of  earnest  and  well  directed  effort  to  diffuse 
Christian  instruction  throughout  the  bounds  of  the 
Mission.” 

But  this  hopeful,  almost  buoyant,  message  was 
followed  at  the  close  of  the  next  year,  1856,  by 
great  distresses,  many  deaths  of  faithful  workers, 
war  among  the  savage  tribes,  and  hostilities  be- 
tween the  Government  and  the  natives,  resulting  in 
the  loss  of  Mission  property— all  of  which  brought 
disaster,  and  retarded  the  work. 

42 


The  Negro  in  Liberia 


The  years  of  the  Civil  War  in  America  were 
especially  trying,  since  revenues  from  the  Mother 
Church  were  much  decreased.  Work  had  to  be 
curtailed.  Yet,  through  all  the  trials,  the  laborers 
in  the  field,  missionaries,  catechists  and  teachers, 
remained  steadfast  under  the  leadership  of  Bishop 
Payne  who  saw  clearly  that  the  hope  of  the  Libe- 
rian Church  lay  in  the  gradual  development  of  the 
will  and  ability  to  become  self-supporting,  and  the 
arousing  of  missionary  zeal  toward  the  unevangel- 
ized tribes  from  the  coast  inland. 

In  1862,  the  Bishop  wrote,  “We  endeavor  always 
to  impress  upon  our  native  converts  that  the  lesson 
God  means  to  teach  them,  by  the  troubles  in  Amer- 
ica, is  to  exert  themselves  for  their  own  support  and 
that  of  the  Gospel  in  their  midst.  And  they  feel 
and  acknowledge  the  situation.” 

In  that  year,  the  organization  of  the  Church  was 
strengthened,  and  the  widely  scattered  missions 
brought  into  more  compact  oneness,  by  the  forma- 
tion of  a General  Missionary  Convocation  to  bring 
the  whole  Church  together  in  conference  and 
mutual  communion  at  stated  times.  A full  account 
of  this  appears  in  The  Spirit  of  Missions  for 
August,  1862.  Later  in  this  year,  Mr.  Samuel  D. 
Ferguson,  a negro  colonist,  was  appointed  Princi- 
pal of  the  Mount  Vaughan  High  School,  and  thus 
began  his  training  for  the  later  leadership  of  the 
Liberian  Mission. 

Before  the  close  of  the  trying  War  period,  the 
Mission  sustained  the  loss  of  one  of  its  oldest  (in 
point  of  service)  and  one  of  its  most  efficient  teach- 

43 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


ers,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  M.  Thompson,  who,  for  twenty- 
eight  years,  taught  in  our  Mission  schools.  She  was 
a native  of  Connecticut,  of  negro  blood,  born  in 
1807.  In  1831,  she  emigrated  to  Liberia  where  she 
began  work  as  a teacher  in  an  infant-school  in  Mon- 
rovia. She  later  moved  with  her  husband  to 
Cape  Palmas,  and  was  associated  with  his  work 
there  and  at  Mount  Vaughan,  where,  in  1833,  he 
was  appointed  as  lay-reader  in  charge  of  our  bud- 
ding work.  Her  husband  died  early,  and  she  con- 
tinued her  work  as  teacher  with  great  devotion  until 
within  a short  time  of  her  death,  when  ill-health 
obliged  her  to  resign.  She  continued  lighter  labors 
in  St.  Mark’s  Hospital  almost  to  the  end,  which 
came  in  April,  1864.  Mrs.  Thompson  was  an  ex- 
cellent Christian  character,  faithful  and  zealous  and 
greatly  beloved  by  all,  an  example  to  her  race,  and 
her  death  caused  great  sorrow  in  the  entire  com- 
munity. 

In  1871,  after  thirty-one  years  of  devoted  labor 
in  foundation-building,  Bishop  Payne  found  him- 
self obliged,  by  ill-health,  to  give  up  his  work.  Sim- 
ply and  modestly  he  gives  the  following  account  of 
his  stewardship. 

“To  the  praise  of  His  grace,  God  has  prospered 
the  work  of  my  hands  as  well  as  prolonged  my  days. 
At  my  own  station  (Ca valla)  I have  baptized  352 
persons,  of  whom  187  were  adults.  In  the  Mission 
I have  confirmed  643  persons.  I have  lived  to  or- 
dain Deacons — two  foreign,  eight  Liberians,  four 
natives — in  all,  fourteen;  of  Presbyters,  three  for- 
eign, seven  Liberians,  one  Native — in  all,  eleven; 

44 


The  Negro  in  Liberia 


or,  altogether,  twenty-five  ordinations  have  been 
held.  And  at  twenty-two  places  along  250  miles  of 
what  was,  fifty  years  ago,  a most  barbarous  heathen 
coast,  has  the  Church  been  planted,  and  radiating 
points  for  the  light  of  the  Gospel  established.  Nine 
churches  may  be  considered  established  and  sup- 
plied with  ministers  of  the  Country.  Besides 
schools,  common  and  Sunday,  we  have  a High 
School  for  boys,  a Training  School  for  young  men, 
and  an  Orphan  Asylum  to  take  care  of  destitute 
children  in  the  colonies.  The  Church  and  Mission 
by  God’s  blessing,  may  be  considered  established.” 

Meanwhile,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Auer,  the  only  white 
missionary  left  after  the  Bishop’s  withdrawal,  had 
been  even  more  busy  than  ever,  with  his  Ameri- 
can and  native  negro  co-workers,  in  building  up 
the  waste  places  and  planning  for  the  extension  of 
work;  in  preparing  native  candidates  for  the  Min- 
istry, in  which  Mr.  Crummell  was  chief  factor;  in 
building  new  and  repairing  old  school-houses;  and 
in  recruiting  the  ranks  of  the  white  staff.  The 
strain  had  been  too  great,  and  he  lived  for  less  than 
a year  after  his  consecration  as  Bishop  Payne’s 
successor  in  the  Episcopate.  A few  months  later, 
Bishop  Payne  also  died  in  his  distant  American 
home. 

Thus  the  Mission  was  left  with  only  recently 
recruited  white  helpers;  but  these,  with  the  fine 
band  of  negro  clergy,  catechists,  and  teachers,  went 
steadily  and  faithfully  forward.  As  Bishop  Payne 
had  so  confidently  declared,  “the  mission  may  be 
considered  established” ; and  so  it  was.  For  two 

45 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


years,  with  many  misfortunes,  but  always  in  the 
confidence  of  hope,  the  work  went  forward  until, 
in  1876,  the  Rev.  Charles  C.  Penick,  D.  D.,  was 
elected  Bishop  of  Cape  Palmas  and,  on  February 
13th,  1877,  was  consecrated  in  Alexandria,  Va. 
He  arrived  in  his  new  field  in  October,  and,  two 
months  later,  returned  this  message  to  the  Church 
at  home,  which  sounds  discouraging  enough : “I 
find  the  American  Mission  confusion  worse  con- 
founded. The  work  here  has  been  so  long  without 
any  head  that  the  disorder  is  very,  very  great. 
Every  building  connected  with  the  Mission  is  tum- 
bling to  pieces.  I can  put  my  foot  through  the  rot- 
ten floor  in  the  room  where  I now  write,  and  it  is 
one  of  the  best  in  the  house,  and  the  house  as  good 
as  any  in  the  Mission.  Books  are  all  moulded  and 
bug-eaten  to  worthlessness;  furniture  eaten  to 
honeycomb;  records  like  autumn  leaves,  only  not 
so  close  together;  no  school  system,  no  educational 
system;  not  the  first  move  towards  self-support; 
many  changes  and  old  questions  to  be  settled,  and 
not  enough  clergy  to  form  a court.” 

I wonder  if  the  Bishop,  coming  upon  an  era  of 
more  than  usual  confusion,  was  not  tempted  into  a 
judgment  upon  the  basis  of  standards  at  home 
among  a people  with  ten  centuries  and  more  of 
steadily  increasing  stability  of  government  and 
social  order?  I wonder  if  he  had  not  forgotten 
that,  since  Bishop  Auer  served  only  an  invalided 
Episcopate  of  a few  short  months,  the  Mission  had 
really  been  headless  for  a period  of  quite  eight  years 
— from  1869  to  Bishop  Penick’s  arrival  in  1877? 

46 


The  Negro  in  Liberia 


What  might  not  have  happened  in  any  Diocese  in 
America,  in  far  more  favorable  circumstances,  had 
that  Diocese  been  left  without  a head  for  such  a 
period?  And  I am  quite  sure  that  something  like 
this  happened ; for,  two  years  later,  the  whole  tone 
of  the  Bishop’s  report  clearly  indicates  it,  as  he 
thanks  God  for  the  healing  of  divisions  resulting 
from  lack  of  Episcopal  oversight,  and  for  the  bring- 
ing of  good  out  of  the  evils  incidental  to  the  years 
of  war,  throughout  which  the  Church  had  saved 
many  from  starvation,  slavery  and  death.  “More 
scholars  than  the  schools  can  take  are  coming  from 
heathen  tribes,”  he  wrote  in  substance,  “and  some 
are  seeing  the  Christ  and  following  Him.”  In  ad- 
dition to  other  activities,  Bishop  Penick  wisely  in- 
troduced a department  of  farming,  both  for  in- 
struction and  for  profit;  and  the  report  in  1879 
shows  its  steady  advance  under  the  direction  of 
Mr.  Christian  Schmidt,  a volunteer  who  came  out 
with  Bishop  Penick  from  America  and  whose  name 
suggests  a well-trained  German  farmer.  Out  of 
this  enterprise  grew  one  or  more  agricultural 
schools,  until  eventually,  into  practically  all  the 
schools  of  the  Mission,  most  helpful  industrial  fea- 
tures were  introduced.  Doubtless,  all  should  have 
begun  with  industrial  training,  and  the  discipline  of 
hand  and  eye  should  properly  have  led  to  the  train- 
ing of  mind,  and  upward  to  that  of  soul.  More 
properly  all  must  go  together,  notably,  with  primi- 
tive folk,  since  each  reacts  upon  the  other. 

In  1882  the  Bishop’s  health  failed,  and  he  was 
forced  to  return  to  America;  and,  the  next  year, 

47 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


finding  his  hope  to  return  groundless,  he  tendered 
his  resignation  to  the  Board.  Bishop  Penick’s 
noteworthy  contribution  to  the  Church  and  people 
of  Liberia  consisted  in  the  practical  industries  and 
the  business  system  introduced  just  when  these 
became  possible  of  a fairly  successful  adoption.  He 
was  a spiritual  power  always,  as  preacher  and  pas- 
tor. The  statistics,  at  the  close  of  his  Episcopate, 
are  thus  given:  “Total  average  attendance  in  the 
churches,  1,063;  number  of  communicants,  567; 
attendance  at  Day  and  Boarding  Schools,  392;  at 
Sunday  Schools,  719.  Total  number  of  agents 
employed,  including  the  Bishop,  8 presbyters,  5 
deacons,  and  others  engaged  in  the  Mission  staff, 
57.” 

So  closes,  for  the  time  being,  the  succession  of 
Bishops  of  an  alien  race  in  Liberia.  Against  this 
time,  God  had  been  preparing  a great  negro  leader 
for  His  Church.  After  a trying  vacancy  of  three 
years  in  the  Liberian  Episcopate,  the  Rev.  Samuel 
D.  Ferguson  was  elected,  in  1884,  and  consecrated 
the  following  year. 

Bishop  Ferguson  was  the  second  Negro  of  our 
Episcopal  Church  to  be  consecrated  as  Bishop,  the 
Rt.  Rev.  Dr.  Holley  of  Haiti  being  the  first.  He 
was  born  in  Charleston,  S.  C.,  on  January  1st,  1842; 
and,  while  ill,  was  baptized  by  Bishop  Gadsden  at 
the  request  of  his  Roman  Catholic  mother.  In 
1848,  the  family  moved  to  Liberia,  where  the  father 
and  two  children  soon  fell  victims  to  the  tropical 
fever,  leaving  the  mother  and  Samuel  David  to 
establish  their  home  in  the  new  land.  Bishop 

48 


The  Negro  in  Liberia 


Payne  took  charge  of  the  boy,  put  him  at  school, 
and  was  as  a father  to  him  in  his  formative  years 
and  until  he  became,  first  a teacher,  then  a priest 
of  the  Church.  While  still  a student,  he  was  a 
Christian  teacher  to  his  less  fortunate  fellow  stu- 
dents. From  one  post  of  responsibility  to  another 
his  faithfulness  and  growth  in  grace  and  wisdom 
combined  to  call  him.  When  Bishop  Penick  arrived, 
he  quickly  singled  out  Mr.  Ferguson,  in  his  business 
administration  of  the  Mission,  as  a fit  person  to  be 
the  business  agent  of  the  Cape  Palmas  District.  Fte 
was  for  many  years  the  President  of  the  Standing 
Committee.  The  fatality  of  the  climate  among  the 
white  missionaries,  the  growing  emphasis  put  upon 
the  aim  of  the  Church  to  grow  into  a native  na- 
tional Church,  the  increasing  growth  in  culture  and 
in  grace  of  the  negro  clergy,  had  all  conspired  to 
arouse  in  the  Liberian  Church  the  desire  for  a 
Bishop  of  their  own  race,  and  in  the  home  Church 
the  willingness  to  grant  it.  In  the  Rev.  Samuel 
David  Ferguson,  as  the  trial  proved,  the  man  was 
found  eminently  fitted  for  the  sacred  office  and  the 
arduous  tasks.  After  his  consecration  in  Grace 
Church,  New  York,  the  Bishop  visited  the  home  of 
his  childhood,  Charleston,  and  other  points  in  the 
South.  His  first  service  as  Bishop  was  in  Nor- 
folk, Va.,  where  he  confirmed  a class  for  the  Rev. 
J.  H.  M.  Pollard  in  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Inno- 
cents— a day  of  days  for  the  negro  brethren  of 
Norfolk  and  of  America.  Another  such  day  was 
that  on  which  he  was  received  with  glad,  loving, 
enthusiastic  welcome  by  his  own  people,  the  shep- 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


herd  raised  in  his  own  fold — Liberia.  All  honor  to 
the  devoted  white  men  who,  in  successive  martyr- 
doms, gave  their  lives  in  devoted  service  to  their 
black  brethren;  but  is  it  either  ungenerous  or 
untrue  to  think,  and  to  write  the  thought,  that  from 
earth  and  heaven  must  have  come  the  glad  acclaim 
to  the  black  Bishop,  blood  of  his  people’s  blood 
and  bone  of  their  bone!  “Thrice  welcome  to  our 
Bishop,  thrice  honor  to  God  that  His  grace  has 
been  sufficient  for  us!” 

Bishop  Ferguson,  while  on  the  voyage  to  Amer- 
ica for  his  consecration  mapped  out  his  plans  for 
development.  Among  the  enterprises  projected 
were  a theological  school  of  high  grade,  a medical 
college  for  whose  conduct  native  physicians  had 
been  preparing,  and  an  industrial  school  completing 
the  design  of  his  predecessors.  Upon  his  return 
to  Liberia,  as  Bishop,  he  was  met  by  immediate  and 
significant  evidence  of  his  people’s  gratitude  for  a 
Bishop  of  their  Own  race.  Before  the  year  closed, 
the  King  of  the  Grebos  presented  himself  to  the 
Bishop  for  baptism;  and  later,  the  king’s  wife, 
thus  opening  a wide  door  of  future  influence  for 
the  Church,  though  the  habit  of  polygamy  tempora- 
rily deterred  many  from  surrender  to  the  Faith 
which  forbade  it. 

Most  encouraging  was  the  personal  interest  of 
the  President  and  members  of  the  Cabinet,  and  of 
the  mayor  of  the  capital  city  and  most  of  the  offi- 
cials. E.  J.  Barclay,  Secretary  of  State,  was  Su- 
perintendent of  Trinity  Sunday  School,  and  others 
were  active  on  the  vestry  or  as  worshippers. 

50 


The  Negro  in  Liberia 


In  1888,  after  another  journey  to  the  United 
States,  the  Bishop  set  about  establishing  a Manual 
Labor  Farm,  for  the  founding  of  which  Mr.  R. 
Fulton  Cutting  of  New  York,  had  given  $5,000, 
with  a view  to  the  instruction  of  boys  in  industries, 
and  to  serve  as  a pattern  for  other  similar  institu- 
tions. One  hundred  acres  were  bought,  and  the 
site  was  renamed  Cuttington  in  honor  of  the 
founder.  Thus  was  the  Bishop  enabled  to  begin 
one  of  the  great  enterprises  to  which  he  had  set  his 
efforts  in  his  initial  plans  for  development.  An 
interesting  sidelight  is  thrown  on  the  success  of 
these  enterprises  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Fair  in  describ- 
ing his  work  at  Bassa.  The  coffee  crop  here  was 
nearly  doubled  in  one  year  through  the  use  of 
improved  methods,  and  the  whole  crop  was  sold  to 
Park  and  Tilford  of  New  York — a testimony  to  the 
excellence  of  the  sample.  Later  reports  of  our  Mis- 
sion farms,  though  perhaps  not  so  favorable,  fully 
justified  their  establishment. 

Another  stimulating  evidence  of  the  new  life  in 
the  Mission,  is  contained  in  the  report  of  the  year 
1889 : “The  native  converts  are  becoming  increas- 
ingly interested  in  the  spread  of  the  Gospel  and 
evincing  a desire  for  self  help’’ — such  is  the  mes- 
sage. Church  after  church  set  itself  the  task  of 
raising  as  much  as  possible  for  the  support  of  the 
rector  and  the  meeting  of  its  home  charges,  while 
some  also  included  contributions  for  the  general 
work  outside  their  borders.  This  marks  the  begin- 
ning of  a new  day  for  the  Liberian  Church,  when 
the  vision  of  a mission  to  others  is  dawning. 

51 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


In  1890,  a high  recognition  of  the  negro  leader- 
ship of  the  Church  came  in  the  election,  by  the 
authorities  of  the  Republic,  of  the  Rev.  G.  W.  Gib- 
son as  President  of  the  College  of  Liberia. 

It  is  often  stated  that  the  Negro,  left  to  himself, 
is  liable  to  moral  degeneration.  It  is  interesting, 
therefore,  to  note  the  high  standard  of  morals 
maintained  in  the  Liberian  Church  under  Bishop 
Ferguson  as  shown  by  the  firm  discipline  with 
which,  on  the  rare  occasions  when  it  proved  neces- 
sary, he  immediately  eliminated  from  the  roll  of 
workers  anyone  who  showed  disregard  of  Christian 
standards  of  morals. 

Again,  while  the  missionary  zeal  of  the  Liberian 
Church  was,  time  and  again,  thwarted  by  hostili- 
ties among  the  tribes  in  whose  borders  mission 
work  was  carried  on,  there  is  abundant  evidence 
that  foundations  were  being  laid.  Thus  when,  in 
1892,  the  tribes  of  the  Cavalla  region  were  notified 
by  the  Bishop  that  disturbances  caused  by  them 
necessitated  the  discontinuance  of  mission  work, 
the  chiefs,  with  one  accord,  begged  for  a withdrawal 
of  the  notice,  and  that  they  be  not  denied  the  light 
of  Christianity. 

One  of  them  is  quoted : “We  are  looking  to  you, 
as  the  people  that  started  leading  us  to  the  Great 
One,  still  to  continue  His  message  amongst  us. 
But  if  you  mean  to  leave  us  to  remain  in  darkness, 
please  let  us  know;  for  we  do  not  think  it  right 
to  seek  it  elsewhere  until  we  hear  and  know  the 
same  from  you,  that  you  have  already  given  us  up. 
We  close  with  the  following — that  we  sincerely  and 

52 


The  Negro  in  Liberia 


earnestly  need  the  preaching  and  teaching  of  the 
Word  of  God  amongst  us  with  more  force  and 
spirit  than  ever  in  other  past  times.  We  are  sin- 
cerely and  earnestly  yours  for  whom  God’s  Son 

died  too.  signed,  Teba  Yue  Hue,  King.” 

Many  a white  Church  might  envy  such  a witness  to 
its  labors. 

In  the  year  1895,  the  efforts  of  the  Church 
toward  self-help  and  national  entity  had  so  far  pro- 
gressed as  to  give  birth  to  a new  organization — 
“The  Board  of  Directors  of  the  Protestant  Epis- 
copal Church  Missionary  Society  of  Liberia,  for 
the  conduct  of  the  Business  of  God.”  This  organi- 
zation was  effected  by  the  General  Convocation 
of  the  Church  of  Liberia  meeting  in  St.  Mark’s 
Church,  Harper,  and  has  continued  ever  since  with 
appropriate  changes  in  name  and  in  constitution. 

Steadily  the  native  Church  grew — the  children 
of  early  converts  in  the  ranks,  still  more  of  the 
grandchildren.  Lrom  these,  the  ordained  ministry 
is  now  being  recruited,  teachers  prepared,  doctors 
taught,  nurses  trained,  Christian  mothers  and  fa- 
thers raised  up  to  be  called  blessed  of  their  children. 
The  general  level  of  life  is  surely  and  steadily  being 
raised.  It  has  produced  not  a few  worthy  to  be 
held  in  memory.  Not  the  least  among  them,  as 
earnest  of  what  the  race  is  capable  of,  was  the 
Rev.  M.  P.  Keda  Valentine,  who  died  on  July  11th, 
1896,  and  of  whom  Bishop  Penick,  his  former 
Bishop,  on  hearing  of  his  death,  wrote:  “He  was  one 
of  the  foremost  spirits  who  ended  the  forty  years’ 

53 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


war  between  two  factions  of  the  Grebo  tribe.  He 
was  foremost  in  Latin,  Greek,  Hebrew,  music,  ath- 
letics, courage,  markmanship,  statesmanship,  and 
Christian  character  amongst  his  fellows.  Deeds  of 
daring,  self-sacrifice,  patient  endurance,  forgive- 
ness, and  justness  cluster  about  this  man’s  life  as 

about  few  I have  ever  seen  or  read  of 

For  six  years  I was  in  touch  with  Keda  Valentine 
as  his  Bishop;  I,  coming  from  the  center  of  Chris- 
tian culture  and  light;  he,  from  the  depths  of 
heathen  corruption  and  superstition;  yet  I cannot 
recall  one  solitary  instance  when  this  man,  by  word 
or  deed,  fell  below  the  mark  of  lofty  Christian 
manhood  as  we  know  it.  No  duty  assigned  was 
ever  too  hard,  no  promotion  over  him  ever  drew  a 
word  or  look  of  protest,  no  echo  of  envy  did  I ever 
hear  from  his  lips.  I saw  him  sit  amongst  the 
kings  and  sages  of  his  people,  where  no  other  young 
man  had  ever  sat,  and  when  I asked  them  why  he 
was  there,  they  answered,  ‘True,  he  is  very  young, 
but  God  has  put  plenty  of  His  Book  in  him,  and 
he  is  fit  to  sit  with  us  and  make  laws.’  Now  he  is 
gone  to  join  the  other  brave,  cultured,  true  spirits 
— Montgomery  and  Walters — three  bright  stars  in 
that  dark  land’s  firmament.” 

Bishop  Ferguson  died  on  August  2,  1916,  just 
one  hundred  years  after  the  organization  of  the 
American  Colonization  Society,  to  which  the  Li- 
berian Republic  owes  its  existence.  The  Rev.  Mr. 
Matthews  furnishes  the  statement  here  quoted 
which  contains  the  facts  about  the  District  just 
prior  to  the  Bishop’s  death : “When  he  was  made 

54 


The  Negro  in  Liberia 


Bishop,  the  Church  had  but  ten  clergy  in  the  Dis- 
trict; today  we  have  26,  all  colored.  Then  only 
24  lay  helpers;  now  we  have  74.  Then  but  9 
day-schools,  with  284  pupils;  now  we  have  25 
schools  with  1,094  pupils.  From  5 boarding 
schools  with  251  scholars,  we  have  now  grown  to 
20,  with  596  boarders.  The  number  of  Sunday 
School  scholars  has  increased  over  2,000.  The  num- 
ber of  stations  and  churches  has  increased  150  per 
cent,  and  the  communicant  list  has  grown  over 
2,000.  From  being,  in  1885,  absolutely  dependent 
for  support  on  the  home  Church,  the  Liberians,  in 
1913,  contributed  nearly  $7,000  toward  self-sup- 
port.” 

We  must  not  close  the  story  of  Bishop  Fergu- 
son’s devoted  labors  without  a reference  to  his  rela- 
tion to  the  Republic.  This  relation  was  unique. 
The  Bishop  grew  to  be  the  chief  citizen,  the  “grand 
old  man”  of  the  Republic.  In  his  quite  fifty  years 
of  service  as  teacher  and  Bishop,  he  had  trained 
many  of  the  rulers  and  legislators  in  whose  hands 
the  destiny  of  Liberia  lay.  These  men  knew  him  as 
man,  as  teacher,  as  Bishop.  They  knew  his  honor, 
his  love  for  country  and  people,  his  wisdom,  his 
unselfishness.  They  trusted  him.  He  was  their 
adviser.  At  crucial  times  he  was  called  to  address 
and  to  advise  their  Congress.  The  President  felt 
that  in  him  a wise  counsellor  was  at  hand,  and  he 
used  him  as  the  Bishop  was  willing  to  be  used.  Well 
did  the  Liberians  say  of  him,  with  set  purpose  to 
abide  by  it : “Let  us  imitate  the  good  example  he 
has  set  us.” 


55 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


Yet  still  the  negro  Church  of  Liberia,  while 
proving  itself  capable  of  developing  individual 
Christians  of  high  character,  did  not  seem  prepared 
for  full  independence.  Three  years  passed,  during 
which  time  the  matter  of  the  Liberian  Episcopate 
was  discussed  in  all  its  bearings.  There  were 
strong  arguments  in  favor  of  a negro  Bishop,  pos- 
sibly with  a white  Archdeacon  as  his  adviser;  but 
finally  it  was  deemed  best  by  General  Convention  to 
appoint  a white  Bishop,  and  at  its  meeting  in 
Detroit  in  October,  1919,  the  Rev.  Walter  J.  Overs, 
a man  of  long  experience  in  Africa,  was  elected 
Bishop  of  Liberia.  Consecrated  two  months  later, 
he  at  once  left  to  assume  his  new  duties. 

But  the  Liberian  Church  was  not  to  be  left  with- 
out a native  Episcopate.  The  Rev.  T.  Momolu 
Gardiner,  a native  of  the  Vai  tribe,  and  a priest  of 
high  Christian  character,  had  long  since  given  evi- 
dence of  what  the  Negro  can  attain  to  under  the 
training  of  the  Church.  The  Liberians  themselves 
had  expressed  an  eager  desire  for  a Bishop  of  their 
own  race,  and  no  one  was  more  fitted  to  fulfil  those 
desires  than  Mr.  Gardiner.  In  October,  1920, 
therefore,  he  was  elected  by  the  House  of  Bishops 
as  Suffragan  Bishop  for  Liberia,  and  was  con- 
secrated on  June  23d  of  the  following  year. 

Bishop  Gardiner  is  a native,  a fruit  of  St.  John’s 
School,  and  of  the  Divinity  School  at  Cuttington. 
In  his  consecration  sermon,  Bishop  Overs  thus 
graphically  pictures  the  task  to  which  the  new 
Bishop  is  called,  and  for  which  God  had  been  pre- 
paring him:  “You  and  I have  travelled  through 

56 


The  Negro  in  Liberia 


much  of  Liberia  together.  You  know  the  field 
and  the  work.  You  are  a member  of  the  Vai  tribe, 
one  of  the  most  promising  tribes  of  Liberia.  But 
it  is  the  only  tribe  of  the  Republic  that  is  influenced 
by  Mohammedanism.  Your  name  is  Momolu,  which 
means  in  English  Mohammed.  Your  father — a 
Mohammedan  priest — gave  you  that  name,  but  he 
also  sent  you  to  a Christian  school,  to  learn  letters. 
You  learned  to  be  a Christian.  Gradually  you  have 
come  to  the  position  which  you  now  hold.  What 
a responsibility  is  yours!  You  must  claim  your 
tribe  for  Christ.  Just  before  I left  Monrovia,  last 
month,  one  of  your  chiefs,  a Mohammedan,  came 
to  me  and  said,  ‘The  mosque  in  my  town  is  falling 
down;  if  you  will  send  me  a teacher,  I will  build 
a Christian  church  and  school  in  the  very  place 
where  the  mosque  has  stood.’  It  is  prophetic.  It 
will  come.  Then  there  are  twenty  other  tribes  in 
our  District  for  whom  little  has  been  done  from 
the  standpoint  of  religion,  education,  or  develop- 
ment in  any  way.  You  particularly  represent  these 
people.  Your  work  will  not  be  easy.  Nothing 
worth  while  is.  The  work  is  vast.  The  task  is 
tremendous.  But  the  opportunity  is  magnificent.” 

Who  can  withhold  his  prayers  of  deepest  sym- 
pathy for  this  David  of  his  race,  going  forth  against 
the  mighty,  new-clad  in  armor  still  being  tried? 
Can  we  fail  continually  to  hold  close  in  our  hearts 
the  white  Bishop  and  the  black  Bishop,  as  each 
sustaining  the  other  and  supplementing  the  lack  of 
the  other,  they  cross  the  borderland  of  the  heathen 
and  go  forward  with  the  Cross. 

57 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


We  are  now  in  a position  to  reach  some  fair  con- 
clusion as  to  what  the  Negro  is  capable  of  when 
placed  on  his  own  feet  in  a more  or  less  favorable 
environment.  And  let  it  be  borne  in  mind  that  we 
are  here  dealing  with  a people  of  precisely  the  same 
stock  as  our  own  negro  population. 

Apart  from  what  we  have  considered  in  these 
pages,  we  may  with  confidence  adduce  the  state- 
ments contained  in  the  Report  of  the  Commission 
to  Liberia,  sent  out  by  the  Church  in  1918.  This 
report  is  contained,  in  full,  in  the  Spirit  of  Missions 
for  June,  1918. 

The  Commission  calls  attention  to  the  difficulties, 
both  external  and  internal,  which  the  negro  Re- 
public has  had  to  face  from  the  very  beginning. 
Powerful  foreign  nations  on  either  side  of  her, 
though  friendly  towards  her,  have  pre-empted  much 
of  her  valuable  territory  for  debts  incurred,  thus 
indicating  what  may  yet  befall.  Poverty  and  lack 
of  technical  skill  have  prevented  her  from  discover- 
ing and  developing  her  own  resources,  while  there 
has  been  no  lack  of  those  who  would  exploit  her  to 
their  own  selfish  advantage.  Unavoidable  condi- 
tions, not  inherent  in  the  race,  have  made  well-nigh 
impossible  the  establishment  of  an  adequate  school 
system,  without  which  free  institutions  must  always 
be  in  danger.  The  Government  has  had  to  face 
constant  internal  disturbances  due  to  tribal  warfare 
often  stirred  up  by  self-seeking  individuals;  hence, 
much  of  her  strength,  which  should  have  gone  to 
developing  her  resources,  has  been  expended  in 
preserving  respect  for  law  and  order. 

58 


The  Negro  in  Liberia 

Yet  the  Commission  found  the  Liberian  people 
realizing  clearly  the  obstacles  to  be  overcome  in  self- 
development, and  calmly  and  courageously  facing 
problems  which  demand  for  their  solution  the  most 
perfect  skill,  and  earnestly  endeavoring  to  overcome 
natural  obstacles  such  as  only  wealth  wisely  used 
can  control.  “To  think  what  would  be  the  effect 
throughout  the  continent  of  Africa  if,  in  Liberia, 
free  institutions  were  definitely  established,  is  to 
make  one  tingle  with  enthusiasm.  Nor  is  there  any 
question  but  that  this  is  entirely  within  the  ability 
of  the  people  if  they  have  the  kind  of  help  which 
only  the  Church  can  render.  This  can  be  freely 
given  without  fear  of  loss  to  Liberia  and  without 
resulting  in  dangerous  dependence  on  her  part.” 

A free  and  stable  government  has  been  estab- 
lished by  the  Liberians  themselves,  and  it  has  stood 
the  test  of  time  and  of  innumerable  obstacles  meas- 
urably overcome.  It  is  an  honest  government, 
Christian  at  heart  and  in  ideals ; but  it  lacks  knowl- 
edge and  skill  and  training  to  realize  its  ideals.  It 
has  no  model  to  work  by.  The  ability  to  bear  re- 
sponsibility is  the  difference  between  a free  man 
and  a man  in  bonds,  and  it  is  from  this  kind  of 
bondage  that  the  Liberian  suffers  because,  with  all 
the  willingness  in  the  world,  he  has  not  had  the 
opportunity  to  make  responsibility  count.  These 
things  emphasize  the  ability  and  courage  and  indus- 
try with  which  the  Republic  is  facing  the  obstacles 
to  her  growth. 

The  Commission  reports  most  hopefully  concern- 
ing the  state  of  the  Liberian  Church : “With  oppor- 

59 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 

tunity  for  education  such  as  we,  in  America, 
would  hesitate  to  call  opportunity,  the  Church  has 
developed  a body  of  clergy  who  need  not  be  apolo- 
gized for.  With  a task  that  is  literally  colossal,  they 
are  working  at  it  with  a good  will  and  full  of  hope. 
The  religious  life  of  the  body  of  the  people  in  the 
Church  reminds  one  of  the  manner  of  life  which 
used  to  prevail  in  America  before  America  became 
rich  and  sophisticated.  In  every  home  where  we 
have  been,  family  prayers  have  been  a matter  of 
course,  and  the  reverence  with  which  the  household 
has  taken  part  has  been  most  refreshing.  When  we 
offered  three  young  girls  in  the  household  of  the 
Chief  Justice  tickets  to  a moving-picture  show  they 
thanked  us  but  declined,  saying  that  they  were  ex- 
pecting to  be  confirmed  the  following  Sunday.  On 
Ash  Wednesday,  fasting  was  the  rule — apparently 
a matter  of  course.” 

“The  help  of  Americans  will  be  needed  for  the 
establishment  of  the  Church  among  the  uncivilized. 
This  is  not  because  of  any  lack  of  courage  or  indus- 
try or  initiative  or  devotion  on  the  part  of  the 
Liberians.  We  saw  all  these  graces  abundantly 
manifested.  But  these  people  are  shut  off  from 
contacts  which  would  give  them  the  experience  and 
knowledge  necessary  for  aggressive  work.  They 
know  what  they  lack,  but  must  have  help  to  find 
relief.”  The  help  we  render  must  be  that  which 
will  enable  the  Church  of  Liberia  to  get  along  with- 
out our  help  and  to  give  to  the  Republic  that  service 
by  which  the  Republic  may  be  established. 

60 


The  Negro  in  Liberia 


“During  the  past  twenty-six  years,  the  Liberians 
have  had  entire  control  of  the  Church’s  work,  and 
the  strength  of  the  Church  has  been  multiplied 
many  times.  No  damage  has  resulted,  and  no  waste 
of  her  meagre  funds  has  occurred.” 

“The  glory  of  Liberia  is  that  it  is  a black  man’s 
country — the  only  black  man’s  country  on  the  face 
of  the  earth.  The  interests  of  humanity,  as  of 
Christianity,  demand  that  it  remain  so.  In  His 
providence,  God  seems  to  have  laid  upon  the  black 
man  the  task  of  establishing  free  institutions  in 
Africa.  The  story  of  Liberia’s  eighty  years  is  as 
thrilling  as  that  of  our  fathers  who,  we  believe  were 
sent  for  a like  beneficent  purpose  to  this  continent. 
The  fortitude  and  courage  and  patience  and  en- 
thusiasm with  which  those  people  have  devoted 
themselves  to  their  task,  are  beyond  praise.  The 
Republic  of  Liberia,  in  spite  of  malign  influence  and 
slander  and  misrepresentation,  in  spite  of  poverty 
which  would  have  broken  the  spirit  of  white  men, 
is  an  established  entity.  Let  Liberia  make  good, 
and  she  will  have  made  possible  the  realization  of 
the  phrase,  ‘Africa  for  the  Africans.’  That  Liberia 
can  do  it,  would  be  evident  to  anyone  who  has  the 
wish  to  see  and  comprehend  the  miracle  that  has 
been  wrought  there.” 


61 


Chapter  III 


THE  NEGRO  IN  HAITI 

T^HE  earliest  instance  of  a State  peopled  and  gov- 
erned under  a constitution  made  by  Negroes, 
is  the  Republic  of  Haiti.  For  this  reason  it  shares 
with  Liberia  a place  of  first  interest  among  all  the 
communities  of  the  world.  At  its  head  is  a presi- 
dent, with  a parliament  of  two  Chambers,  acting 
under  the  revised  Constitution  of  1889.  Republican 
in  form,  the  spirit  of  the  Government  is  French, 
since  the  language  and  customs  are  inherited  from 
the  French  occupation  of  the  Island.  Unfortunately, 
however,  the  country  was,  for  years,  ruled  by  a suc- 
cession of  military  despots,  each  of  whom  was  so 
occupied  with  maintaining  his  position  against  rivals 
that,  even  if  capable  of  doing  so,  he  had  no  time 
to  develop  the  rich  natural  resources  of  the  country 
or  to  establish  democratic  institutions.  The  popula- 
tion has,  therefore  remained  a backward  race. 

The  history  of  Haiti  began  with  its  discovery  by 
Columbus  in  1492.  The  aborigines  were  Indians, 
but  these  were  enslaved,  some  sent  to  Europe,  and 
the  balance  gradually  exterminated.  To  take  their 
places,  negro  slaves  in  great  numbers  were  brought 
over  by  the  Spaniards  at  first  from  Europe,  later 
from  Africa. 

Columbus  established  six  flourishing  settlements, 
including  the  present  capital ; he  opened  mines,  and 

63 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


established  agriculture.  Sugar  was  introduced,  and 
ultimately  became  the  chief  crop.  It  is  evident  that, 
from  the  very  outset,  slave-labor  was  used  in  the 
development  of  this  colony;  and  further,  that  the 
slaves  employed  in  Haiti  were  brought  thither  from 
Europe.  It  may,  therefore,  be  of  interest  to  recall 
the  facts  concerning  the  first  establishment  of  negro 
slavery  in  the  western  hemisphere.  For  this,  we 
must  turn  back  the  pages  of  history  to  a period 
fifty  years  prior  to  the  discoveries  of  Columbus. 

In  1442,  during  the  reign,  in  Portugal,  of  King 
Henry,  surnamed  “The  Navigator,”  Antam  Gon- 
salvez,  returning  to  Portugal  from  an  African 
cruise,  brought  with  him  three  captive  Moors.  The 
Moors  offered  to  purchase  their  liberty  with  negro 
slaves  if  their  captors  would  return  them  to  Africa. 
Prince  Henry  accepted  the  offer,  giving  a reason 
which  served  to  quiet  his  own  conscience,  while  sug- 
gesting a subtle  motive  which  was  to  justify  the 
traffic  for  many  a long  year  to  come.  It  was 
“because  the  Negroes  might  be  converted  to  the 
Faith,  which  could  not  be  managed  with  the  Moors.” 
So  the  trade  was  made — ten  Negroes  for  three 
Moors — to  the  greater  triumph  of  “the  Faith.” 
They  were  landed  in  Portugal  in  1442;  and,  with- 
in two  years,  so  zealous  became  the  apostles  of  the 
Faith  that  the  “Company  of  Lagos”  was  chartered, 
others  soon  following,  whose  industry  included  the 
traffic  in  slaves  from  Africa.  Hundreds,  yearly, 
were  brought  into  Spain  and  Portugal. 

Alfred  H.  Stone  of  Dunleith,  Mississippi,  fur- 
nishes the  facts  which  we  are  using,  and  from  which 
we  quote  rather  freely: 


64 


The  Negro  in  Haiti 


“In  the  description  of  the  landing  of  the  first 

Negroes  we  may  read  the  first  count  in  the 

indictment  against  modern  slavery,  destined  to  be 
repeated  ten  thousand  times  in  the  English-speak- 
ing world  during  the  417  years  which  elapsed  be- 
tween that  time  and  the  destruction  of  slavery  in 
the  southern  States : ‘But  now,  for  the  increase 
of  their  grief  (Chronicle  of  Azurara),  came  those 
who  had  the  charge  of  the  distribution,  and  they 
began  to  put  them  apart,  one  from  the  other,  in 
order  to  equalize  the  portions;  wherefore  it  was 
necessary  to  part  children  from  parents,  husbands 
and  wives,  and  brethren  from  each  other.  Neither 
in  the  partition  of  friends  and  relations  was  any 
law  kept,  only  each  fell  where  the  lot  took  him.’  We 
are  further  informed  that  the  Infante  was  present 
to  look  after  the  fifth  part,  which  fell  to  his  share, 
‘considering  with  great  delight  the  salvation  of 
those  souls  which  before  were  lost.’  ” 

In  1501,  nine  years  after  the  discovery  of  Amer- 
ica, the  first  slaves  were  transferred  from  Spain  to 
the  King’s  Colony  of  Haiti.  At  first,  only  Negroes 
Christianized  by  European  life,  were  sent.  This 
custom  probably  persisted  until  the  direct  trade  be- 
tween the  colonies  and  Africa  was  begun,  in  1518. 
It  was  then  that  the  good  Roman  Priest,  Las  Casas, 
desiring  to  save  the  Indians  from  the  killing  labors 
of  the  mines,  advised  the  direct  traffic  in  slaves  with 
Africa.  Without  impugning  Las  Casas’  motives, 
it  is  only  fair  to  add  that,  in  the  estimate  of  the 
time,  one  Negro  was  equal  to  about  five  Indians  in 
mining-labor.  This  great  value  of  negro  slavery 

65 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


as  an  economic  institution  is,  above  all  considera- 
tions, responsible  for  the  enormously  increasing 
traffic  from  this  date  down  to  the  era  of  abolition. 
Such,  in  brief,  is  the  story  of  the  institution  of 
slavery  in  our  hemisphere,  and  especially  in  Haiti. 

Because  of  the  insular  life,  the  great  predomi- 
nance of  the  Negroes,  the  almost  constant  civil  strife, 
and  the  slight  contact  of  the  races,  the  conditions 
for  the  maintenance  of  racial  traits  and  habits  were 
more  favorable  in  Haiti  than  anywhere  else  in 
America ; hence  the  development  and  persistence  of 
that  debasing  mixture  of  magic,  superstition,  and 
secret  rites,  known  as  Voodoo,  which  seems  to  per- 
meate all  classes  of  the  Haitien  population.  The 
Roman  Church,  by  law  established  in  the  Republic 
of  Haiti  since  1869,  seems  to  have  failed  in  eradicat- 
ing this  cult  or  of  reaching  helpfully  any  large  pro- 
portion of  the  people.  This  is  doubtless  due  in  part 
to  the  difficulties  of  travel  in  the  interior,  and  to 
the  fact  that  the  evils  of  illiteracy  were  never  suf- 
ficiently realized  to  compel  any  adequate  attempt 
toward  education.  The  children  of  the  wealthier, 
city-bred  people  have  usually  been  sent  to  France 
to  school;  the  great  mass  of  poorer  children  entirely 
neglected.  Inherent  laziness  served  to  re-enforce 
the  ill  effects  of  ignorance  among  the  people  at 
large,  and  instability  of  Government  added  a fur- 
ther counter-weight  against  progress. 

Again,  the  laws  of  marriage  (or  the  lack  of 
them)  have  had  a vicious  effect  upon  the  Haitien 
Negro.  Where  marriage  is  not  recognized  by  the 
State  as  legally  necessary  to  the  legitimacy  of  chil- 

66 


The  Negro  in  Haiti 


dren  and  is  therefore  rarely  observed,  polygamy  with 
all  its  debasing  results  is  bound  to  lower  the  moral 
tone  of  a people,  and  of  the  Negro  above  all.  It 
is  fair  to  say  that,  after  a century  of  independence 
and  self-government  prior  to  American  interven- 
tion, the  people  of  Haiti,  kindly  and  hospitable  and 
amenable  to  civilizing  influences  as  they  are,  gave 
little,  if  any,  evidence  of  progress. 

The  proverbs  of  a people,  just  as  their  folksongs, 
reveal  much  as  to  the  character,  habits  and  mental 
traits.  The  Spirit  of  Missions  for  September,  1875, 
records  a collection  of  Haitien  Proverbs,  from 
which  these  are  selected : 

It  is  only  the  knife  that  knows  the  heart  of  the 
yam — used  with  various  meanings — as,  for  example, 
distrust  outward  appearances,  it  is  not  what  you 
see  that  counts,  and  the  like. 

Shoes  alone  know  if  the  stockings  have  holes — 
doubtless  a later  application  of  an  older  proverb, 
meaning  that  only  the  most  intimate  know  the  weak- 
ness of  others. 

Conspiracy  (or  combination)  is  stronger  than 
witchcraft — a useful  encouragement  for  minds  just 
emerging  from  superstitious  fear  into  the  convic- 
tion that  “spirits  fear  a crowd.” 

The  wild  goat  is  not  cunning  that  eats  at  the 
foot  of  the  mountain — a comment  on  the  folly  of 
ignoring  points  of  vantage,  and  of  abandoning 
safety  for  publicity. 

If  the  frog  says  that  the  alligator  has  sore  eyes, 
believe  him — the  trustworthy  testimony  of  an  un- 
friendly neighbor. 


67 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


The  ox  never  says  to  the  pasture,  “ Thank  you ” 
— a possible  implication  that  it  is  only  a beast  which 
gives  no  thanks  for  favors. 

Joke  freely  with  the  monkey  but  don’t  play  with 
his  tail — an  evident  warning  against  outraging  the 
sensitive  feelings  of  others. 

All  wood  is  wood,  but  mapou  (a  worthless  wood) 
is  not  cedar,  meaning  that  all  people  are  good  for 
something,  but  none  good  for  everything. 

There  are  certain  qualities  of  mind  and  character 
which  appear  plainly  in  these  popular  sayings,  and 
the  latter  are  re-enforced  by  an  old  southern  pro- 
verb of  doubtful  origin  which  applies  to  the  Haitien, 
as  to  our  Southern  Negro,  however  lowly.  “If  you 
burn  him  for  a fool,  you  will  lose  your  ashes.” 
Certainly  it  is  a huge  mistake  to  discount  the 
Negroes’  wisdom,  no  matter  how  homely  and  often 
rude  the  expression  of  it. 

We  may  now  return  to  a consideration  of  the 
history  of  the  Island,  pausing  only  to  call  attention 
to  the  fact  that  we  are  chiefly  concerned  with  the 
western  third  composing  the  Republic  of  Haiti. 
For  here,  in  contrast  to  the  Dominican  Republic, 
with  its  largely  mulatto  population  under  the  polit- 
ical domination  of  whites,  we  find  a population, 
ninety  per  cent  of  which  is  pure  Negro  and  with  a 
negro  government.  We  shall  here  see  the  Negro 
developing  out  of  slavery  in  an  insular,  French 
colonial  environment. 

In  1630,  a mixed  company  of  English  and  French 
occupied  the  Island  of  Tortuga  and  became  formid- 
able buccaneers.  Obtaining  a foothold  on  the  main- 

68 


The  Negro  in  Haiti 


land  of  Haiti,  their  decendants  became  French  sub- 
jects when,  by  the  Treaty  of  Ryswick,  in  1697,  the 
part  of  the  Island  which  they  occupied  was  ceded 
to  France.  A period  of  strife  followed,  involving 
the  whites,  the  mixed,  and  the  Negroes.  As  a 
result,  the  whole  Island  became  subject  to  France. 
In  1801,  Toussaint  L’Ouverture,  a Negro  of  re- 
markable military  genius,  successfully  renounced 
the  authority  of  France  and  set  up  the  Republic  of 
Haiti  with  himself  as  Governor.  Captured  by 
treachery,  he  was  taken  to  France  where  he  died  in 
prison  in  1803.  The  next  year,  Dessalines  became 
Governor,  massacred  the  remaining  whites,  pro- 
claimed himself  Emperor,  and  was  assassinated  in 
1806.  The  Spaniards  again  reappeared  about  this 
time,  and  gained  a footing  in  the  eastern  part  of 
the  Island,  but,  after  years  of  cruel  warfare,  they 
failed  to  maintain  their  hold,  and  the  Negro  Re- 
public of  Santo  Domingo  was  established  in  1844. 
More  recent  events  are  newspaper  history,  read  and 
fairly  known  by  all. 

The  Island  is  shared  by  the  two  Republics,  the 
western  third  being  Haitien,  the  eastern  two-thirds 
Dominican.  The  former  is  French  in  language,  the 
latter  Spanish.  Repudiation  of  obligations  and  a 
continuous  state  of  disorder  finally  compelled  the 
American  Government  to  intervene.  In  1915,  a 
concordat  was  established  with  the  Government  of 
Haiti  whereby  American  resident  officials  were 
given  certain  advisory  powers,  and  in  1916,  the 
Dominican  Republic  was  taken  in  charge  by  an 
American  Army  of  Occupation.  Thus  the  United 

69 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


States  became  a virtual  protector  and  guardian  of 
the  peace,  serving  the  whole  Island  in  an  educational 
and  developmental  capacity,  very  much  as  in  the 
Philippine  Islands. 

The  political  history  of  the  Island  of  Haiti, 
whether  in  its  French  or  its  Spanish  aspect,  natur- 
ally led  to  the  early  establishment  there  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church,  and  in  1869,  it  became  the 
representative  of  the  established  religion  of  the 
Haitien  Republic.  In  this  Faith  the  people  were 
brought  up  (in  so  far  as  they  came  under  any  Chris- 
tian teaching  at  all).  Thus,  from  the  beginning, 
the  history  of  the  Church  in  Haiti  differs  widely 
from  that  in  Liberia. 

In  1861,  an  American  negro  priest — the  Rev. 
James  Theodore  Holly — went  to  Haiti  with  a com- 
pany of  110  persons,  and  there  formed  the  nucleus 
of  a Mission  of  the  American  Episcopal  Church. 

The  early  history  of  this  leader  of  his  people  is 
full  of  interest  as  is  shown  by  the  following,  taken 
from  Men  of  Maryland  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Bragg  of 
Baltimore,  the  historiographer  of  his  race  in  the 
Church. 

Born  in  Maryland,  in  1829,  young  Holly  was  bap- 
tized by  a Roman  Catholic  priest  from  Haiti  who 
had  fled  to  this  country  before  the  fury  of  the  Ne- 
groes, at  that  time  intent  upon  ridding  their  coun- 
try of  the  last  vestige  of  the  white  people.  Twelve 
years  later,  he  was  confirmed  by  the  Archbishop  of 
Baltimore,  the  Rt.  Rev.  Dr.  Eccleston,  but  his  con- 
nection with  the  Roman  Church  was  not  destined 
to  be  permanent.  He  learned  the  trade  of  shoe- 

70 


The  Negro  in  Haiti 


making,  working  in  Washington,  and  later  in 
Detroit.  Influenced  probably  by  the  peculiar  cir- 
cumstances of  his  Baptism,  and  by  the  romance  of 
the  negro  Republic  battling  for  self-government, 
he  seems  early  to  have  been  possessed  with  the 
desire  to  offer  himself  as  a helper.  This  he  dis- 
closed in  a letter  written,  after  his  desire  had  been 
gratified,  from  his  Haitien  home : “I  was  ordained 
deacon  in  1855  (by  Bishop  McCoskry  of  Michi- 
gan) with  the  express  understanding  that  I should 
be  sent  to  work  in  this  field.  As  a matter  of  fact, 
two  weeks  after  my  ordination,  I set  out  from 
Michigan  to  New  York,  from  which  I was  sent  ten 
days  later,  by  the  Foreign  Committee  of  the 
Church,  to  collect  information  as  to  the  possibility 
of  establishing  such  a Mission,  and  returned  from 
thence  with  a favorable  report.  Six  years  were 
then  spent  in  gaining  pastoral  experience  for  the 
work  in  view;  and  to  this  end  I was  advanced  to 
the  priesthood  by  the  Bishop  of  Connecticut  on  the 
2nd  of  January,  1856,  when  I accepted  the  pastoral 
charge  of  St.  Luke’s  Church,  New  Haven,  in  that 
Diocese.  Aside  from  the  active  pastoral  work  of 
that  congregation,  every  fitting  occasion  was  seized 
during  those  six  years  to  stir  up  an  interest  by 
tongue,  pen,  and  the  press,  in  the  contemplated  Mis- 
sion. In  1861,  my  face  was  again  set  towards 
Haiti,  accompanied  by  110  persons  (of  whom  I 
was  the  pastor)  for  the  practical  establishment  of 
the  Mission  in  this  land.” 

Among  the  most  forward  in  promoting  this  enter- 
prise, were  the  Bishops  of  Ohio  and  Connecticut. 

71 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


It  was  through  the  latter’s  influence,  that  his  Dio- 
cese generously  aided  the  Mission  of  Mr.  Holly  for 
sixteen  months.  At  the  close  of  1862,  the  Mission 
in  Haiti  was  adopted  by  the  American  Church  Mis- 
sionary Society,  with  Bishop  Lee,  of  Delaware,  as 
Provisional  Bishop.  The  next  year,  the  Bishop 
made  his  first  visitation  to  the  new  Mission.  From 
this  time  forward,  the  Church  at  home  kept  a kindly 
oversight  over  the  Mission  in  Haiti.  So  faithfully 
and  successfully  did  Mr.  Holly  and  his  band  of 
Churchmen  work,  that,  in  1871,  the  Haitien  Church, 
by  vote  of  its  Convocation,  petitioned  General  Con- 
vention to  elect  and  consecrate  a Bishop  for  Haiti. 
The  response  was  sympathetic,  and  the  petition  was 
referred  to  the  Board  of  Missions  to  ascertain  the 
best  means  of  securing  adequate  episcopal  super- 
vision. Three  years  passed,  and  the  Convention  of 
1874  entered  into  a covenant  between  the  Protes- 
tant Episcopal  Church  in  the  United  States  and 
“The  Orthodox  Apostolic  Church”  of  Haiti.  The 
following  are  the  more  important  terms  of  this 
covenant : ( 1 ) That  the  Church  in  America  recog- 

nizes the  Church  in  Haiti  as  of  right  and  of  fact  a 
foreign  Church  under  the  definition  of  our  Consti- 
tution; and  that,  with  this  recognition,  the  assur- 
ance is  given  that  the  Church  in  Haiti  will  enjoy 
the  nursing  care  of  the  Church  at  home  until  such 
care  shall  no  longer  be  needed.  (2)  That  the 
Church  will  designate  and  consecrate  one  of  the 
Haitien  clergy  to  be  Bishop  of  Haiti.  (3)  That  a 
Commission  of  four  American  Bishops  will  be 
named  to  act  with  the  Bishop  of  Haiti  as  a Board 


The  Negro  in  Haiti 

of  Administration,  to  extend  the  Episcopate  when 
needed,  and  to  administer  discipline  pertaining  to 
the  episcopal  order.  (4)  That  the  Church  in  Haiti 
agrees  to  guard,  in  all  their  essentials,  a conform- 
ity to  the  doctrines,  worship  and  discipline  of  the 
Protestant  Episcopal  Church  in  the  United  States, 
departing  from  them  only  as  local  circumstances 
require.  (5)  That  the  Haitien  Church  agrees  to 
concede  to  the  Church  at  home  the  designation  and 
consecration  of  the  Bishops  of  the  Church  in  Haiti 
until  three  Bishops  shall  have  been  established 
therein. 

In  accordance  with  this  agreement,  General  Con- 
vention, in  1874,  elected,  from  among  the  clergy  of 
Haiti,  the  Rev.  James  Theodore  Holly,  and,  on 
Nov.  8th,  in  Grace  Church,  New  York,  he  was  con- 
secrated as  Bishop. 

Eager  to  be  back  at  work,  Bishop  Holly  set  sail 
ten  days  later,  and  thus  describes  the  glad,  joyous 
reception  of  his  people  upon  his  arrival  at  his  home 
and  old  parish,  Port-au-Prince:  “I  found  all  the 
members  of  my  family  and  of  Holy  Trinity  on  the 
lookout  for  me.  A deputation  of  the  clergy  and  of 
the  vestry  were  in  waiting  with  a carriage.  I was 
conducted  to  the  church  where  the  faithful  had 
gathered  for  a thanksgiving  service,  entering  under 
the  triumphal  arch  surmounted  by  the  phrase, 
‘Gloria  in  excelsis  Deo,’  which  had  hastily  been 
constructed  that  morning,  after  the  steamer  had 
been  seen  at  a distance  entering  the  harbor.  The 
service  over  in  church,  I retired  to  my  residence, 
where  I was  besieged  during  the  rest  of  the  day 

73 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


by  visits  of  the  members  of  the  congregation,  from 
neighbors,  friends,  and  the  citizens  in  general,  all 
coming  to  welcome  me  home,  and  to  present  me 
their  warm  congratulations.  These  visits  were 
continued  in  like  manner  all  the  next  day.  Saturday 
morning  I called  on  the  President  of  the  Republic, 
and  the  Minister  of  Public  Worship,  to  pay  my 
respects,  and  thus  rendered  to  the  civil  authorities 
the  honor  due  to  them  before  appearing  to  officiate 
in  public  in  my  new  vocation.  Mr.  Preston,  the 
Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  Haiti,  had  made  an 
official  report  to  the  Government  of  my  consecra- 
tion as  Bishop,  at  which  he  assisted  in  Grace 
Church,  New  York,  and  the  President  and  Minister 
expressed  to  me  their  highest  gratification  at  the 
new  position  thus  gained  by  our  Church  in  Haiti. 
Advent  Sunday,  I addressed  the  English  congrega- 
tion after  Morning  Prayer  at  six  o’clock,  and  the 
French  congregation  at  the  9 o’clock  service,  taking, 
on  each  occasion,  for  my  text,  those  words  of 
Zechariah  iv.  6,  ‘Not  by  might,  nor  by  power,  but 
by  my  spirit,  saith  the  Lord  of  hosts.’  The  drift 
of  my  remarks,  in  setting  forth  all  the  circum- 
stances leading  to  and  attending  my  consecration  to 
the  Haitien  Episcopate,  was  to  impress  on  the 
minds  of  the  people  committed  to  my  charge  that 
human  instruments  and  worldly  powers  were  of  no 
value  in  this  matter,  but  that  the  movements  of 
God’s  Holy  Spirit  were  the  basis  of  all  our  suc- 
cesses in  the  past  as  they  must  be  of  our  hope  in 
the  future.” 


74 


The  Negro  in  Haiti 


Thus  began  the  Episcopate  of  the  first  negro 
Bishop  of  the  American  Church,  a man  of  unusual 
ability;  of  highly  developed  powers  of  leadership; 
a courteous,  Christian  gentleman. 

The  statistics  for  1875  are:  The  Bishop;  priests, 

6;  deacons,  4;  lay-readers,  14;  candidates  for 
Orders,  3;  number  of  missions,  18;  of  churches, 

3;  of  rectories,  2;  whole  number  of  souls,  751; 
of  communicants,  238,  and  perhaps  3 schools. 

The  Bishop’s  early  letters  supply  information 
concerning  the  nature  of  the  field.  Transportation 
was  difficult  with  only  paths  or  trails  to  guide  the 
traveler.  All  of  the  travel  by  land  was  done  on 
horseback,  and  the  Bishop  was  gradually  accumu- 
lating the  means  of  locomotion.  On  December  24, 
1874,  he  writes,  “I  have  already  bought  a moun- 
tain saddle  (to  be  paid  for  when  convenient  to  me) 
and  have  yet  to  get  bridle  and  knapsack.  However 
I borrow  these  things,  with  the  use  of  a horse,  to 
make  my  trip  tomorrow” — a comfortable,  leisurely 
approach  to  equipment,  with  the  blessing  of  handy 
friends  by  the  way. 

Other  travel  was  by  boat,  very  leisurely  too,  a 
week  to  come  and  go  if  the  places  be  near,  and  more 
if  they  be  far.  The  Bishop  is  already  longing  for  , 
a “Bishop’s  Horse,”  and  says  so;  a “Bishop’s 
Boat”  is  probably  as  yet  only  a dream,  because 
“the  interior  stations  are  among  the  most  interest- 
ing in  which  we  are  engaged,  and  work  ought  to 
be  encouraged  and  strengthened  by  the  visits,  as 
often  as  possible,  of  the  missionary-in-chief.” 

75 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


The  Bishop’s  travels  were  wonderfully  fruitful 
— large  classes  confirmed,  and  glad  response  given 
to  the  ministrations  of  their  new,  but  already 
beloved,  Father  in  God.  The  schools,  too,  were 
filled  with  boys  and  girls  in  training  for  the  new 
day  of  the  Church  in  their  homeland.  But  church- 
buildings  were  lacking,  and  many  of  the  congre- 
gations were  worshipping  in  rented  or  private 
houses. 

In  Port-au-Prince,  the  capital,  the  Church  was 
firmly  established  and  included  two  parishes  where 
services  were  constantly  held  in  English  as  well  as 
in  French;  but  the  poverty  of  the  people  was  a 
drawback  to  independence.  The  Bishop  writes, 
“We  have  from  three  to  four  hundred  souls  to  look 
after  in  this  way  at  the  Haitien  Capital;  but  the 
most  of  them  are  in  unfortunate  or  very  moderate 
circumstances,  and  therefore  can  do  but  little  to 
sustain  the  Gospel  among  themselves.  They  must . 
not  be  expected  to  keep  up,  without  generous  aid 
from  abroad,  the  work  of  the  Gospel  in  Haiti.  The 
time  may  come  when  the  great  mass  of  men  of  the 
so-called  better  classes,  who  now  live  in  complete 
religious  indifference,  shall  be  awakened  to  a sense 
of  their  great  spiritual  danger.  Here,  as  else- 
where since  the  beginning,  it  is  the  common  people 
who  follow  Him  gladly.” 

For  their  shepherding,  the  Bishop  felt  the  need 
of  more  men  from  the  American  Church,  conse- 
crated to  the  Master’s  Mission.  There  were  men 
already  at  his  disposal,  but  the  means  to  employ 
them  were  lacking.  Here  again,  as  so  consistently 

76 


The  Negro  in  Haiti 


in  our  mission-fields,  because  of  the  poor,  cramped 
purse,  the  Bishop — sent  to  organize  and  to  evange- 
lize— was  estopped  within  hearing  of  yearning  calls 
for  preachers  and  teachers.  “I  need  to  found  at 
once  a Theological  Training  School  for  young  men 
desirous  of  preparing  themselves  for  the  Ministry, 
and  a first  class  female  Boarding  School,”  the  lat- 
ter, to  supply  his  schools  with  teachers.  How  like 
the  cry  of  Ferguson  in  Liberia  is  this  urgent  appeal 
of  Holly  in  Haiti,  and  how  natural  the  cry  of  each ! 

By  the  close  of  the  first  year  of  the  Bishop’s 
episcopate,  he  had  completed  the  round  of  visita- 
tions of  his  rather  disconnected  group  of  missions. 
The  year  had  been  a very  successful  one,  yet  not 
without  its  distresses  and  difficulties.  There  had 
been  106  confirmed,  36  baptised,  and  schools  well 
filled  with  children.  Property  had  been  repaired, 
and  at  least  one  church-lot  donated  for  the  new 
parish  of  St.  Andre,  in  Trianon.  This  was  given 
by  General  Hyacinth  Michel,  who  was  appointed 
lay-reader  of  the  new  parish. 

We  have  lingered  about  the  opening  scenes  of  the 
Bishop’s  first  year  that  we  might  gain  an  insight 
into  his  plans  and  methods,  and  realize  something 
of  his  difficulties  and  successes. 

During  the  early  years,  the  Bishop  is  evidently 
intent  upon  the  great  purpose  which  consistently 
faced  him — the  creating  of  a national  Haitien 
Church.  After  five  years,  his  report  to  General 
Convention  in  1880,  tells  us  how  earnestly  he  has 
been  striving,  more  to  strengthen  the  faith  and 
character  of  the  little  parishes,  than  to  extend  faster 

77 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


than  such  faith  and  character  can  be  established. 
The  statistics  show  but  a feeble  increase  in  the 
numerical  strength.  “Nevertheless,”  writes  the 
Bishop,  “there  has  been,  during  this  period,  that 
which  figures  cannot  show,  viz.,  an  increase  among 
its  numbers  of  the  knowledge  of  the  ways  of  the 
Church,  greater  attachment  to  the  same,  and  a 
decided  deepening  of  their  inner  spiritual  life.  Our 
Church  in  Haiti  also  occupies  the  high  vantage- 
ground  of  being  the  only  denomination  exercising 
independent  local  jurisdiction  and  aspiring  to  a 
complete  national  organization.  In  pursuance  of 
this  object,  this  feeble  Church  has  now  twice  as 
many  native  ordained  clergymen  as  all  the  other 
religious  bodies  combined.  It  has  also  more 
advanced  stations  than  any  of  them,  established  in 
the  interior  country  districts  among  the  rural  pop- 
ulation, where  the  heathen  customs  of  Africa  have 
hitherto  prevailed.  Our  work  has  conquered  the 
esteem  and  respect  of  the  Government  and  people 
of  Haiti,  and  enjoys  the  full  protection  of  the 
authorities  under  the  guaranties  of  the  Constitution 
and  laws  of  the  country.” 

It  is  probably  because  of  this  conservative  and 
cautious  policy  of  Church  extension,  and  still  more 
because  of  the  poverty  of  the  people  and  the  small 
amount  available  for  clerical  salaries,  that  we  find 
no  appreciable  increase  in  the  number  of  clergy  and 
other  workers.  For  the  Bishop,  in  1883,  reiterates 
the  statement,  “we  have  no  difficulty  in  finding  the 
needed  laborers ; not  only  can  we  find  them  among 
ourselves  in  Haiti,  but,  in  case  of  need,  the  whole 

78 


The  Negro  in  Haiti 


of  the  British  West  Indies  are  at  our  beck  and  call, 
islands  where  the  Church  and  Church  training  insti- 
tutions have  long  been  established.  Therefore  the 
only  difficult  problem  that  remains  to  be  solved  is 
that  of  supplying  the  money  necessary  to  inaugurate 
the  central  training  institution  that  we  propose  to 
establish.”  Such  an  institution,  it  will  be  remem- 
bered the  Bishop  had  had  in  mind  from  the  very 
beginning. 

Passing  rapidly  over  the  intervening  years  to 
1895,  the  story  reminds  one  of  the  more  tragic 
record  of  the  foundation-period  in  Liberia.  There 
were  successive  angry  waves  of  warfare,  involving 
the  Church  through  her  people  and  property;  and 
the  sometimes  surly,  sometimes  lethargic,  aspects  of 
peace,  which  in  turn  follow  family  outbreaks.  There 
were  rebellions  against  the  ruling  powers ; and  fre- 
quent changes  ‘among  the  officials  upon  whose  stable 
protection  the  Bishop,  in  earlier  years,  had  grounded 
so  much  of  his  hope.  There  were  the  severe  losses 
of  people,  and  the  death  of  pastors  and  teachers, 
bringing  burdens  upon  the  Bishop’s  aging  shoul- 
ders. But  through  it,  he  battled  bravely  onward, 
filling  the  ranks  as  the  communicants  fell  away,  and 
slowly,  very  slowly  adding  to  them;  supplying  the 
leaders  as  these  passed  on,  and  very  slowly  increas- 
ing their  number. 

In  1891  The  Twenty-fifth  Convocation  of  the 
Haitien  Church  (being  the  seventeenth  of  the 
Bishop’s  episcopate)  organized  itself  into  a Mis- 
sionary Society,  of  which  each  member  of  the 
Church  was  declared  a member.  The  Convocation 


79 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


itself  became  the  Board,  while  the  Bishop  and  other 
officers  formed  the  Executive  Committee.  The 
churches  were  growing  in  the  spirit  of  self-help. 
The  people  of  a mountain  section,  poor  in  worldly 
goods,  earned  the  money  for,  and  built  the  walls  of, 
their  church;  and  the  President  of  the  Republic 
gave  $650  to  supply  the  roof.  The  church  at  Port- 
au-Prince,  destroyed  some  years  before  and  hin- 
dered in  its  plans  for  rebuilding  by  various  obsta- 
cles, was  settled  in  a better  location  through  the 
good  offices  of  the  President  and  Parliament.  These 
are  samples  of  the  problems,  some  perplexing,  still 
others  stubborn,  which  delayed  and  harassed  the 
workers.  A year  of  peace  (and  there  were  not 
many)  witnessed  “some  steps  taken  in  advance  for 
the  further  extension  of  our  Gospel  work.  Three 
new  stations  (in  1890)  for  the  preaching  of  the 
life-giving  Word  have  been  occupied.”  One  of 
these  was  initiated  by  a small  band  in  the  mountain 
region,  who,  gathered  into  the  Church  and  know- 
ing the  blessing,  desired  to  spread  the  Gospel  to 
their  unconverted  neighbors. 

In  1891  the  Bishop  records,  with  pride,  the  fact 
that  one  of  his  presbyters,  the  Rev.  Shadrach  Kerr, 
had  been  transferred  to  the  Diocese  of  Florida.  Mr. 
Kerr,  while  still  canonically  attached  to  Haiti,  had 
been  temporarily  at  work  on  the  Isthmus  of  Pan- 
ama, under  Archbishop  Nuttall  of  Jamaica.  An- 
other of  the  Haitien  clergy  had  been  transferred  to 
Jamaica.  Thus  the  products  of  the  Church  in  Haiti 
were  being  spread  abroad. 

80 


The  Negro  in  Haiti 


A farm-school  for  education  and  demonstration, 
established  about  1887,  and  requiring  three  years  of 
instruction  for  graduation,  sent  out  its  first  class  in 
1890.  One  of  the  young  men  at  once  established  a 
school  in  a needy  mountain  district.  Thus  was 
demonstrated  the  quality  of  these  negro  Church- 
men. 

The  year  brought  much  sickness,  however;  and 
amongst  the  victims  was  the  young  teacher,  who 
had  already  begun  the  work  of  a missionary  to  his 
people.  It  was  doubtless  this  visitation  which  con- 
stituted a call  to  the  Bishop  to  hasten  the  establish- 
ment of  a Medical  Mission,  so  greatly  needed,  and 
which  had  already  been  his  earnest  wish.  Two  stu- 
dents had  been  sent  to  Boston,  to  be  trained,  one  as 
a physician,  and  the  other  as  a pharmacist.  The 
Bishop  sent  an  urgent  appeal  for  sufficient  money 
to  establish  these  men  in  their  professions  upon 
their  approaching  graduation. 

The  year  1892 — the  fourth  centenary  of  the  dis- 
covery of  America — was  a memorable  one  in  the 
annals  of  their  history.  “Here,”  wrote  the  Bishop, 
“the  first  permanent  settlement  of  Europeans  in 
the  New  World  was  made.  Here,  later  on,  the  first 
landing  of  African  slaves  in  this  hemisphere  was 
effected.  Here,  following  the  example  of  the  United 
States,  the  second  colonial  yoke  of  European  vas- 
salage was  broken,  and  the  second  free  and  inde- 
pendent nation  of  the  New  World  thereby  estab- 
lished.” 

“This  people,”  continues  the  Bishop,  “by  the 
powers  of  the  merely  natural  man,  have  indeed  con- 

81 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


quered  their  earthly  freedom,  but  they  still  have 
need  to  obtain  the  emancipation  of  the  soul — free- 
dom from  sin — by  that  liberty  wherewith  Christ 
only  can  make  us  free.” 

The  plea  of  the  Bishop  rings  out — his  plea  for 
help  to  realize  his  well-founded  plan  which  again 
and  again  he  had  described  to  the  Board  of  Mis- 
sions, and  which  follows  the  eloquent  and  urgent 
presentation  of  the  claims  of  Haiti  just  quoted. 

“For  upward  of  thirty  years,  since  it  was  planted 
here  in  1861,  we  have  stoutly  held  on  to  the  almost 
forlorn  hope  of  making  this  Church  a blessing  to 
the  people  among  whom  our  lot  is  cast.  Among 
other  things  for  which  we  labor,  we  are  striving  to 
complete  the  well-being  of  their  acquired  national- 
ity by  raising  up  a native  clergy  among  the  people, 
bone  of  their  bone  and  flesh  of  their  flesh — a most 
desirable  object,  the  accomplishment  of  which  no 
other  religious  denomination,  aside  from  ours,  has 
essayed  to  realize  in  a systematic  manner.  To  this 
end,  we  need  a theological  training-school.  We  are 
also  wrestling  with  the  problem  of  extending  popu- 
lar education  among  the  illiterate  masses;  to  do 
which,  more  successfully,  a better  equipped  normal 
school  is  needed.  We  also  have  in  hand  for  solu- 
tion, the  problem  of  introducing  scientific  medical 
treatment  of  the  sick  and  neglected  poor;  to  do  this 
effectually,  we  need  a well-organized  medical  mis- 
sion. We  have  the  personnel  (doubtless  the  two 
students  referred  to  above)  for  such  a mission,  but 
we  need  the  pecuniary  means  necessary  to  effect 
such  an  organization.” 


82 


The  Negro  in  Haiti 


Surely  this  plan  should  have  found  friends  and 
helpers  in  America,  and  must  find  them  even  yet, 
in  order  that  Haiti  may  realize  a more  worthy 
measure  of  the  ideal  of  her  first  devoted  Bishop. 
He  closes  his  report  thus : “On  our  part,  we  ask 
you  brethren,  one  and  all,  to  pray  for  us  that  our 
faith  fail  not,  and  that  we  may  not  grow  weary  in 
well  doing,  but  be  always  animated  with  the  blessed 
and  soul-consoling  hope,  that  in  due  season  we  shall 
reap,  if  we  faint  not.”  In  1895,  after  seven  years 
of  weary  but  persistent  patience,  the  Bishop  was 
able  to  hold  services  in  the  church  at  Port-au- 
Prince,  the  center  of  the  mission  work  of  the  Dis- 
trict, which  was  so  far  completed  as  to  be  fit  for 
occupancy.  The  same  year  he  was  able  to  announce 
the  joyful  tidings  that  “five  of  the  sons  of  our  clergy 
have  been  graduated  as  physicians  to  co-operate 
with  the  clergy  in  the  work  of  the  Gospel  among 
the  afflicted  poor;  and  thereby  emphasis  has  been 
given  to  the  humane  aspect  of  the  Gospel  of  Christ, 
while  the  ministry  of  the  clergy  gives  due  emphasis 
to  its  divine  aspect.  We  have  every  reason  to  be- 
lieve that  our  triple  Gospel  work,  carried  on  by 
ministers,  physicians  and  teachers,  has  given  us  a 
grasp  on  the  very  vitals  of  the  nation,  which  will 
grow  with  its  growth,  and  increase  with  its 
strength.” 

But  the  Bishop  is  not  deceived  by  the  fresh  hope 
which  the  year  has  brought.  “Let  it  be  borne  in 
mind,”  he  writes,  “that  our  work  is  carried  on  under 
the  enervating  influence  of  the  Tropics,  and  amidst 
the  sluggishness  of  an  undeveloped  people;  and, 

83 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


therefore,  such  marvels  of  rapid  progress  are  not 
to  be  looked  for  here  as  characterize  the  railroad 
speed  with  which  things  more  forward  in  the 
United  States  under  far  more  favorable  circum- 
stances.” 

During  the  next  ten  years,  the  first  steps  were 
taken  towards  the  realization  of  the  most  important 
features  of  the  plans  for  the  District.  In  1901,  fol- 
lowing Bishop  Holly’s  visit  to  the  States,  the  much 
needed  Theological  School  was  opened  at  Port-au- 
Prince,  with  the  Rev.  P.  E.  Jones  as  Dean,  and  the 
Revs.  Alexander  Battiste  and  Theodore  F.  Holly  as 
professors.  Dean  Jones  had,  for  many  years,  been 
the  very  efficient  Principal  of  one  of  the  Schools  of 
the  Republic  at  Aquin,  and  his  experience  and  suc- 
cess had  singled  him  out  as  the  man  to  reorganize 
the  Lancastrian  School,  needing  reconstruction,  in 
the  capital  city.  His  transfer  by  the  Government 
made  it  possible  for  the  Bishop  to  realize  at  least 
the  beginnings  of  the  Theological  School,  so  long 
a cherished  hope.  At  first  this  school  was  conducted 
in  the  evenings,  after  the  example  of  the  Govern- 
ment Law  School.  Six  students  were  enrolled  at 
once,  and  others  awaited  the  means  necessary  for 
expenses.  This  school,  or  its  successor,  has  been 
reopened  by  The  Rev.  A.  R.  Llwyd,  and  three  new 
clergymen  recently  graduated. 

The  Medical  Mission,  so  important  to  the  devel- 
opment of  the  Bishop’s  plans,  began  to  take  definite 
form  about  1904,  through  the  training  of  two 
nurses  in  an  institution  extemporized  for  that  pur- 
pose by  Dr.  A.  C.  C.  Holly,  a son  of  the  Bishop. 

84 


The  Negro  in  Haiti 


In  1905  two  lots  were  secured  for  the  projected 
hospital  and  dispensary,  for  the  erection  of  which 
funds  were  asked  of  friends  in  the  States.  Await- 
ing these,  Dr.  Holly  opened  a small  hospital  in  one 
of  the  mission-buildings,  with  Miss  Lidia  Boisson, 
one  of  the  nurses  trained  locally,  in  charge  of  the 
sick  ward.  Two  other  young  women  had  been  sent 
to  the  United  States  for  training  as  nurses,  at  the 
expense  of  the  Board  of  Missions.  The  ministra- 
tions of  the  hospital  and  the  ministries  of  the  physi- 
cians and  nurses  wrought  untold  blessings  to  a 
country  to  which  sanitation  was  unknown  and 
hygiene  unheard  of.  The  well-laid  plans  of  the 
Bishop  and  his  co-workers,  the  physicians,  were 
never  completed;  for,  with  the  coming  of  the 
Americans,  in  1915,  all  sanitary  and  medical  work 
was  taken  over  by  them,  and  the  necessarily  im- 
perfect equipment  and  methods  of  the  old  medical 
mission  were  thereby  superseded. 

In  the  face  of  the  infirmities  of  greatly  advanced 
age,  Bishop  Holly  continued  to  administer  the  dif- 
ficult work  of  the  District  until  March  1911,  when 
he  was  called  to  his  rest.  Through  fifty  years  of 
devoted,  unfaltering  service  he  gave  himself  to  the 
land  of  his  adoption,  and  the  people  whom  he  loved. 
In  1855,  he  had  sought  the  permission  of  our 
American  Episcopal  Church  to  found  the  Church  in 
Haiti.  In  1861,  the  petition  granted,  he  landed 
with  a colony  of  American  Negroes  in  Haiti.  Dur- 
ing the  succeeding  years  he  raised  up  a native  min- 
istry— a notable  achievement  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  the  Roman  Church,  with  a far  longer  history 

85 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


of  missionary  work  in  Haiti,  has,  to  this  day,  not  a 
single  native  priest  there.  During  the  first  years’ 
services  in  the  capital  were  said  in  both  French  and 
English;  at  the  close  of  the  Bishop’s  Episcopate, 
there  were  but  five  English-speaking  communi- 
cants recorded. 

When  the  Rev.  Mr.  Holly  arrived  in  1861,  Haiti, 
except  for  a few  Church  members  in  the  new  col- 
ony, was  barren  ground  for  the  Church.  In  1874 
the  Bishop  and  his  staff  of  six  priests  and  four  dea- 
cons were  ministering  to  nearly  one  thousand  souls, 
of  whom  238  were  communicants,  divided  among 
18  missions. 

At  the  close  of  Bishop  Holly’s  administration, 
there  were  12  priests;  2 deacons;  2 candidates;  2 
postulants;  18  lay-readers;  54  teachers  (of  whom 
9 were  in  day-schools) ; and  26  missions.  More 
than  2,000  souls  were  under  the  ministrations  of 
clergy  and  teachers,  with  651  communicants. 

The  National  Convocation  of  the  Haitien  Church, 
following  the  Bishop’s  death,  requested  the  Church 
in  America  to  send  a delegation  to  Haiti  to  look 
over  the  field  and  counsel  with  the  native  Church  as 
to  the  measures  to  be  adopted  which  would  best 
serve  its  interests.  Meanwhile,  the  Rev.  Pierre  E. 
Jones,  Dean  of  the  Convocation,  administered  the 
District  pending  the  decision  of  our  American 
Church.  Mr.  Jones  gives  the  following  most  sig- 
nificant information : “Only  a strongly  organized, 
national,  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  can  surely 
bring  about  a revolution  in  the  religious  views  and 
opinions  of  our-  Roman  Catholic  fellow-citizens. 

86 


The  Negro  in  Haiti 


The  English  Wesleyans  entered  Haiti  in  1818,  and 
have  today  four  Missions,  two  native  ministers  and 
one  foreign.  The  American  Methodists  entered  the 
field  in  1824,  and  have  today  one  mission  and  one 
foreign  minister.  The  American  Baptists  entered 
the  field  in  1848,  and  have  today  three  native  min- 
isters and  three  missions.  The  Protestant  Epis- 
copal Church  entered  the  field  in  1861 ; it  became  an 
autonomous  Church  in  1874;  and  has  today  fifteen 
well-organized  parishes,  seven  mission  stations,  and 
fifteen  ordained  native  ministers.  We  have  also  a 
young  Haitien  in  the  Divinity  School  in  Phila- 
delphia, and  a young  woman  in  the  Deaconess 
House  in  the  same  city.  After  their  courses  are 
completed,  they  will  return  home  to  strengthen  our 
little  army  of  brave  ones.” 

In  January,  1912,  the  Board  of  Missions  re- 
quested the  Rt.  Rev.  Dr.  Knight,  Bishop  of  Cuba, 
to  be  the  chairman  of  the  delegation  in  response 
to  the  above  request.  The  Bishop,  with  his  party, 
arrived  at  Port-au-Prince  about  the  close  of  the 
month,  and  later  sent  an  interesting  account  of  the 
expedition,  which  was  published  in  The  Spirit  of 
Missions  for  September  and  October  1912.  As  a 
sidelight  on  the  difficulties  which  had  beset  the 
path  of  Bishop  Holly,  this  extract  from  Bishop 
Knight’s  letter  is  illuminating.  Referring  to  Port- 
au-Prince  he  says,  “There  is  a saying  that  it  has 
been  burned  and  rebuilt  every  seven  years  as  a 
result  of  frequent  revolutions.”  And  then,  as  an 
earnest,  let  us  devoutly  hope,  of  what  may  come  to 
pass,  this  sketch  is  given  of  the  newly  elected  Pres- 

87 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


ident  Le  Conte.  “It  was  some  time  before  I under- 
stood that  this  gentle  and  soft-spoken  Negro  was 
the  chief  executive  of  this  turbulent  black  republic. 
There  was  nothing  uncouth  about  him;  he  had  no 
braggadocio  manners;  on  the  contrary,  he  seemed 
refined  and  effeminate.  It  was  hard  to  realize  that 
only  a few  months  before  he  had  landed  on  his 
native  shores,  after  five  years  of  exile;  had  gath- 
ered a few  followers;  and  had  swept  his  course 
onward  to  the  Capital,  until  the  martial  Simon  fled 
before  him.  With  his  advent  to  power,  better  days 
for  Haiti  seem  to  have  dawned.  Le  Conte  belongs 
to  one  of  the  oldest  and  most  refined  families  of 
the  Island.  He  is  grandson  of  the  first  President, 
the  military  genius  who,  taking  up  the  sword  of 
Toussaint,  completed  the  deliverance  of  Haiti  from 
France.  He  has  been  highly  educated,  and  has 
spent  much  time  abroad.  He  has  come  to  power 
when  militarism  has  ridden  his  country  for  many 
years,  and  crushed  out  its  industries.  He  is  revers- 
ing these  things.  The  number  (of  the  army)  has 
been  reduced.  The  new  broom  is  sweeping  clean. 
Our  Church  can  be  a great  aid  at  this  time  if  she 
rises  to  the  opportunity.” 

Bishop  Knight  met  and  advised  with  the  Coun- 
cil of  the  Haitien  Church,  called  in  special  session. 
The  action  taken  is  thus  described : “The  Convoca- 
tion remained  in  session  for  a week;  and,  finally, 
by  a practically  unanimous  vote,  passed  a resolu- 
tion requesting  the  American  Church  to  receive  the 
Haitien  Church  as  a Missionary  District.”  One  can 
but  regret,  and  deeply,  that  the  purpose  of  Bishop 

88 


The  Negro  in  Haiti 

Holly’s  fifty  years  of  vision,  which  seemed  so  great 
to  him,  should  have  been  abandoned,  when  the  Con- 
vocation voted  to  relinquish  its  autonomy.  Let  us 
hope  that  this  is  but  a temporary  status. 

It  was  not  until  1913  that  General  Convention 
could  reply  to  the  request  of  the  Church  in  Haiti, 
and  meantime  Bishop  Knight  was  deputed  to  render 
episcopal  service  there.  In  that  year  General  Con- 
vention, having  elected  the  Rev.  Charles  B.  Colmore 
as  Bishop  of  Porto  Rico,  appointed  him  to  the 
charge  of  the  Missionary  District  of  Haiti.  The 
connection  between  Porto  Rico  and  Haiti  is  exceed- 
ingly remote,  and  the  means  of  transportation  most 
difficult,  so  that  Bishop  Colmore  found  a task  im- 
possible to  be  done  efficiently.  Like  a good  soldier, 
he  obeyed  orders,  and  the  Church  must  take  all 
the  onus  for  the  short-comings.  He  holds  the  Dis- 
trict together,  promoting  the  existing  enterprises, 
and  greatly  encouraging  the  work  of  the  Woman’s 
Auxiliary,  of  which  little  or  no  notice  seems  previ- 
ously to  have  been  taken.  To  overcome,  as  far  as 
possible,  the  disadvantages  of  the  conditions,  the 
Rev.  A.  R.  Llwyd  was  appointed  commissary  to 
the  Bishop,  and,  in  1918,  he  began  work  in  this 
capacity.  With  headquarters  in  Port-au-Prince, 
Mr.  Llwyd  has  indefatigably  labored  to  repair  rents 
and  build  up  waste  places. 

The  reports,  as  well  as  the  comments  of  visitors, 
all  agree  that  what  is  most  needed  for  the  upbuild- 
ing of  the  people  is  the  Christian  Industrial  School. 
This  was  Bishop  Holly’s  dream ; it  must  still  be  the 
objective  until  realized. 


89 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


In  1919,  General  Convention  resolved  that  Haiti 
must  have  a negro  Bishop  of  its  own,  and  elected 
the  Rev.  Samuel  Grice  of  Payne  Divinity  School. 
He  felt  constrained  to  decline,  and  the  Rt.  Rev.  Dr. 
Morris,  of  the  Panama  Canal  Zone,  was  appointed 
to  take  the  oversight  of  the  Church  in  Haiti.  At 
best,  an  absentee  Episcopate  can  do  little  more  than 
conserve,  and  Haiti  awaits  the  day  when  love  and 
generosity  shall  overflow  in  the  American  Church, 
so  that  she  may  fully  seize  the  day  of  opportunity. 
It  is  her  chance  to  do  for  the  struggling  Church  of 
the  Haitiens  what  our  American  representatives, 
civil  and  military,  are  doing  for  their  Government, 
— settle  and  establish  and  train,  and  thus  in  good 
time  set  free  a people  from  the  thraldom  of  igno- 
rance and  vice.  It  is  doubtful  if  either  can  succeed 
without  the  other;  it  is  pretty  certain  that  social 
training  must  fail  unless  religious  culture  accom- 
pany it.  “Except  the  Lord  build  the  house,  their 
labor  is  but  lost  that  build  it.” 


90 


Chapter  IV 


THE  SLAVE  AND  THE  FREEDMAN  IN 
AMERICA 

T^HE  importation  of  Negroes  to  the  American 
mainland  began  about  1525,  following  the 
license  for  such  traffic  by  Philip  of  Spain.  From 
that  time,  through  Spanish  and  French  companies 
chiefly;  and  after  the  Spanish  Armada,  through 
English  companies  chiefly,  the  trade  in  African 
slaves  was  vigorously  pursued.  While  statistics  are 
unreliable,  Stone  approves  the  guess  that  “the  num- 
ber transported  to  Spanish  America  may  be  said  to 
have  been  somewhere  between  four  and  seven  mil- 
lions; for  English  America,  insular  and  continental, 
about  three  millions  during  the  century  preceding 
the  Revolution.  The  number  brought  into  the  Thir- 
teen Colonies  may  have  been  about  three  hundred 
thousand. 

The  first  slaves  (about  twenty  in  number)  were 
brought  to  our  colonies  by  a Dutch  vessel  which 
landed  at  Portsmouth,  Va.,  in  1619,  just  twelve 
years  after  the  first  permanent  settlement  by  the 
English.  This  we  have  upon  the  authority  of  John 
Rolfe.  Thus  the  Negroes,  though  not  of  their  own 
wills,  were  among  the  first  settlers  of  the  new 
country.  It  is  vain  to  discuss  the  question  of  re- 
sponsibility, or  of  moral  culpability.  However,  re- 
volting to  the  modern  mind  and  heart,  slavery  was 

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Wanted  - Leaders ! 


the  inheritance  of  our  forefathers,  practiced  in 
every  conceivable  form,  not  only  in  Africa,  but 
among  every  people  and  in  every  land.  When  prac- 
ticed within  racial  lines,  it  extended  all  the  way 
from  the  kindly,  household  slave  relations  of  the 
Romans,  where  slaves  were  sometimes  the  teachers 
of  their  masters’  children,  to  the  relations  with  war- 
trophies  to  be  sold  or  exploited  as  chattels.  When 
practiced  inter-racially,  the  differences  of  race  were 
apt  to  harden  into  prejudice  with  its  general  in- 
difference to  the  consequences  of  cruelty.  But  in 
either  case,  it  was  the  universal  practice  of  heathen 
and  Christian  peoples  until  a comparatively  recent 
time.  Moral  culpability  did  not  enter  into  the 
reckoning  of  the  ages  preceding  ours,  and  respon- 
sibility was  readily  admitted  or  never  questioned. 
And  this  was  true  of  our  colonist  forefathers  who 
carried  on  the  slave  traffic  as  sellers  and  buyers  in 
the  early  days.  Even  after  the  consciousness  of 
the  wrong  of  it  had  been  awakened  in  many  by 
the  experiences  of  slavery,  they  found  themselves 
the  victims  of  a system  of  social  life  which  they 
would  gladly  have  escaped.  This  is  equally  true 
of  the  southern  and  the  northern  colonists. 

It  was  because  of  the  rapid  growth  of  this  con- 
sciousness of  the  wrong  of  slavery,  naturally  quick- 
ened by  the  advance  of  Democracy  during  the 
eighteenth  century,  that  the  traffic  was  made  illegal 
in  1807.  It  was  also  because  so  large  and  so  re- 
spectable a number  of  slaveholders  realized  them- 
selves to  be  the  victims  of  an  inherited  system  of 
social  life  from  which  they  could  find  no  satis- 

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The  Slave  and  the  Freedman  in  America 

factory  means  of  escape,  that  the  system  took  more 
and  more  the  form  of  humane  feudalism  in  which, 
however,  the  vassals  were  workers  and  not  sol- 
diers to  be  protected  and  not  exposed  to  danger. 
And  when  Emancipation  came,  there  were  not  a 
few  who  felt  and  expressed  it.  “It  is  not  the  Ne- 
groes who  are  emancipated,  but  the  Whites;  only 
we  cannot  realize  it  until  the  last  of  our  old  people 
are  gone.”  And  this  was  true,  for  the  Negro  had 
yet  to  learn  the  art  of  freedom  and  acquire  its 
character  before  it  could  become  the  reality  as  well 
as  the  blessing  it  should  be.  True,  too,  that  the 
white  man  was  not  yet  emancipated,  for  he  had 
still  to  fulfil  the  obligation  to  his  old  people,  many 
of  them  children  as  yet  in  development,  loving  and 
beloved ; and  this,  in  many  cases,  he  did  to  the  last 
dollar  and  to  the  last  dust  of  meal,  and  to  the  last 
old  servant  laid  to  rest. 

No  one,  except  perhaps  the  political  economist 
here  or  there,  or  some  fond  soul  of  the  olden  time 
who  has  been  asleep  ever  since,  will  attempt  to  de- 
fend slavery;  yet  it  is  also  difficult  to  understand 
the  philosopher,  North  or  South,  White  or  Negro 
who  attaches  nothing  but  obloquy  to  it,  and  sees 
nothing  that  is  good  resulting  from  it.  Doctor 
Murphy’s  opening  chapter  of  The  Basis  of  Ascen- 
dency begins  with  this  true  assertion : “It  is  so 
frequently  assumed  that  the  most  significant  factor 
in  the  history  of  our  negro  population  is  the  factor 
of  its  exploitation,  that  a word  of  contradiction  is 
never  quite  out  of  place.  Within  its  actual  environ- 
ment, whether  North  or  South,  this  population  has 

93 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


suffered  much,  but  it  has  received  more.”  And 
emphasizing  the  inevitable  co-partnership  of  the  two 
races  in  the  task  of  progress  which  the  White  alone 
has  been  responsible  for  forming,  he  adds : “It 
(the  negro  population)  has  become  involved  so  in- 
extricably in  the  fate  of  a far  more  efficient  social 
group,  that  the  conditions  of  progress  within  this 
stronger  group  have  become  the  conditions  which 
must  surround  and  advance  the  life  and  fortunes 
of  the  weaker.” 

Dr.  Booker  T.  Washington  is  never  an  apologist 
for  negro  slavery,  but  he  recognizes  a large  fact 
when  he  sees,  side  by  side  with  “the  great  curse 
(of  slavery)  to  both  races,”  this  evident  shaping  of 
its  ends.  “God,  for  two  hundred  and  fifty  years, 
in  my  opinion,  prepared  the  way  for  the  redemp- 
tion of  the  Negro  through  industrial  development.” 
It  is  the  story  of  this  redemption  that  must  now 
occupy  our  interest. 

Our  first  chapter  sought  to  draw  the  picture  of 
the  Negro  in  Africa.  We  then  saw  him  as  he  has 
developed  under  conditions  of  more  or  less  segrega- 
tion and  self-government.  Now  we  are  to  trace  his 
development  under  American  conditions,  described 
by  visiting  students  of  slavery  as  the  most  kindly 
and  humane  ever  experienced  in  such  relations. 
Thus  the  Englishman,  Welby,  wrote  in  1820: 
“After  traveling  through  three  Slave  States,  I am 
obliged  to  go  back  to  the  theory  to  raise  any  ab- 
horrence of  it.  Not  once  during  the  journey  did  I 
witness  an  instance  of  cruel  treatment,  nor  could  I 
discover  anything  to  excite  commiseration  in  the 

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The  Slave  and  the  Freedman  in  America 

faces  or  gait  of  the  people  of  color.  They  walk, 
talk,  and  appear,  at  least,  as  independent  as  their 
masters;  in  animal  spirits  they  have  greatly  the 
advantage.” 

Again,  Basil  Hall  wrote,  in  1828:  “I  have  no 
wish,  God  knows!  to  defend  slavery  in  the  ab- 
stract; ....  but  ....  nothing  during  my  re- 
cent journey  gave  me  more  satisfaction  than  the 
conclusion  to  which  I was  gradually  brought  that 
the  planters  of  the  Southern  States  of  America, 
generally  speaking,  have  a sincere  desire  to  manage 
their  estates  with  the  least  possible  severity.  I do 
not  say  that  undue  severity  is  nowhere  exercised; 
but  the  discipline  taken  upon  the  average,  as  far  as 
I could  learn,  is  not  more  strict  than  is  necessary 
for  the  maintenance  of  a proper  degree  of  author- 
ity, without  which  the  whole  framework  of  society 
in  that  quarter  would  be  blown  to  atoms.” 

Human  nature  is  much  the  same  the  world  over, 
and  this  display  of  kindly  humanitarianism,  so 
noticeable  to  the  traveling  students,  was  probably 
but  the  outgrowth  of  the  early  conditions  of  co- 
lonial life.  The  settlers  in  a new  land  were  beset 
with  the  problem  of  labor  to  develop  the  new  home- 
steads. English  freemen  would  rarely  engage 
themselves  for  such  wages  as  employers  could 
afford  to  pay.  What  more  natural  than  that  the 
laborers  in  England,  willing  and  often  anxious  to 
emigrate  to  the  new  land,  should  sell  themselves 
for  a period  of  labor  sufficient  to  pay  passage,  in- 
cluding a meagre  wage  while  the  servitude  lasted. 
Thus  indentured  servitude  for  the  Colonies  took 

95 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


the  place  of  the  old  system  of  apprenticeship  so 
long  in  use  in  the  Old  Country. 

When  negro  slaves  came  in  increasing  numbers, 
the  former  relation  with  indentured  servants  must 
certainly  have  entered,  more  or  less,  into  the  inter- 
pretation of  the  relations  of  permanent  servitude. 
Add  to  this  that  all  alike  were  surrounded  with  the 
possible,  and  often  aroused  enmity  of  the  Red  Men, 
and  with  a constant  peril  of  life,  we  have  factors 
which  must  greatly  have  strengthened  and  softened 
the  bond  between  White  and  Negro.  In  these  and 
in  many  other  conditions  of  the  earlier  days  of  the 
settlements,  one  sees  the  conditions  out  of  which 
kindliness  and  affection  were  well-nigh  certain  to 
grow,  and  the  well-recognized  mutual  partnership 
of  interests  to  develop. 

And  this  is  just  what  actually  happened  for  the 
most  part.  The  growing  sense  of  the  mutual  in- 
terest and  dependence,  and  responsibility  constantly 
tended  to  develop  a relationship  similar  to  that  of 
the  old  patriarchate.  The  constant  battle  with  the 
primeval  forest  and  undeveloped  new  lands — a 
battle  to  be  waged  successfully  only  by  the  importa- 
tion of  laborers,  untaught  and  undisciplined — con- 
stantly tended  also  to  develop  the  relation  of  the 
teacher  and  the  taught  in  the  larger  School  of  Na- 
ture. So  the  system  grew  into  the  Family  and  the 
Trade  School. 

Let  us  dismiss,  with  one  paragraph,  that  other  un- 
sightly, often  cruel,  always  condemnable  side  of 
slavery — the  unfeeling,  ruthlessly  selfish  and  con- 
temptible business  of  the  slave-trader,  who  sought 

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The  Slave  and  the  Freedman  in  America 

only  to  fill  his  purse  with  gold  through  the  sale  of 
“human  cattle” — that  unspeakably  loathsome  esti- 
mate of  the  Negro  as  an  animal  whose  relationships 
were  ignored,  whose  love  was  ridiculed,  whose  sen- 
sibilities were  despised  and  whose  rights  (for  the 
rights  were  there,  even  though  the  rights  of  a slave) 
were  denied.  Slavery  did,  in  some  instances,  present 
that  aspect;  but  no  one  can  read  the  story  without 
knowing  that  that  side  was  the  horrid  incident,  and 
not  the  characteristic  of  the  old  feudal  and  patriar- 
chal life.  It  was  that  feature  which  often  hindered 
the  development,  upon  the  best  lines,  of  the  rude 
Negroes  brought  from  Africa.  It  could  not,  how- 
ever, stop  it.  Our  purpose  being  to  trace  this 
development,  we  are  led  into  pleasanter  fields ; for  it 
is  in  the  inner  life  of  the  White-Black  family  and 
school,  that  the  story  of  the  culture  of  the  wild 
graft  is  written. 

Professor  Phillips,  in  his  American  Negro  Sla- 
very, tells  us  that  during  the  first  half  century  after 
the  introduction  of  slaves  there  were  comparatively 
few  Negroes  in  the  colony — Virginia — which  re- 
ceived the  first  importations.  “They  had,”  he 
writes,  “by  far  the  best  opportunity  which  any  of 
their  race  had  been  given  in  America,  to  learn  the 
white  man’s  ways  and  to  adjust  the  lines  of  their 
bondage  into  as  pleasant  places  as  might  be.  Their 
importation  was,  for  the  time,  on  but  an  experi- 
mental scale,  and  even  their  legal  status  was,  during 
the  early  decades,  indefinite.” 

There  was,  as  yet,  neither  law  nor  custom  estab- 
lishing slavery  as  an  institution.  In  fact  it  was 

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Wanted  - Leaders ! 


custom  that  established  the  status  of  permanent 
servitude,  while  the  laws  only  recognized  it  in  de- 
fining the  difference  between  the  white  indentured 
servant  and  the  negro  purchased  slave.  This  did 
not  become  a subject  of  legal  enactment  until  1662. 
Prior  to  that  time,  Negroes  were  described  as  ser- 
vants : “A  few  as  servants  for  terms  of  years;  some 
were  conceded,  property  rights  of  a-  sort  incompat- 
ible with  the  institution  of  slavery  as  elaborated  in 
later  times.  Some  of  the  blacks  were  liberated  by 
the  courts,  as  having  served  the  terms  fixed  by 
their  indentures  or  by  the  custom  of  the  country.” 
How  much  of  trouble  and  distress  would  have  been 
saved  had  the  forefathers  developed  their  slave 
problems  after  this  precedent,  rather  than  after 
that  of  their  Spanish  and  English  neighbors  of  the 
South  Atlantic  Islands! 

Some  of  the  Negroes  had  become  landowners  by 
the  middle  of  the  century,  and  some  were  them- 
selves slave  owners.  More  and  more,  however,  the 
owners  of  Negroes  were  holding  them  tenaciously, 
and  regarding  them  as  salable  property;  and  from, 
1680  onward,  the  laws  for  slave  control  became  as 
definite  as  those  in  the  Islands. 

The  charter  and  later  settlement  of  the  South 
Carolina  Colony,  in  1663,  by  Sir  John  Colleton  of 
Barbadoes  and  his  company,  for  the  purpose  of 
attracting  colonists  from  the  English  Islands,  fixed 
the  general  legal  status  of  slavery  upon  the  Amer- 
ican Colonies.  This  was  made  the  more  sure  be- 
cause in  the  first-settled  coast  regions  of  the  col- 
ony, rice,  and  later  indigo,  were  introduced  as  the 

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The  Slave  and  the  Freedman  in  America 

staple  crops,  for  the  cultivation  of  which  only  Ne- 
groes could  endure  the  necessary  swampy  condi- 
tions. The  owners,  dwelling  in  the  neighboring 
pine  elevations  by  night  and  in  summer,  went  to 
their  plantations  only  in  the  day  time  and  in  the 
winter  season. 

Likewise,  in  the  Northern  Colonies,  without  ex- 
ception, the  system  found  its  way;  first,  through 
the  enslaving  of  captive  Indians,  then,  by  1630,  of 
Negroes  also.  While  the  traffic  in  slaves  persisted 
for  a long  time  with  Newport  as  the  chief  center, 
neither  climatic  nor  economic  conditions  were 
favorable  to  the  system.  In  one  way  or  another, 
slavery  declined,  and  the  field  presents  little  that 
is  valuable  to  our  study. 

The  Revolutionary  War,  with  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  and  its  assertion  of  the  freedom  and 
equality  of  men  as  its  justifying  principle  and  mo- 
tive, produced  a profound  effect  upon  the  mind  of 
America;  not,  indeed,  sufficiently  great  to  enable  any 
State  to  enact  laws  looking  to  gradual  emancipa- 
tion, but  great  enough  to  arouse  most  of  the  North- 
ern States  and  all  of  the  Southern,  except  Georgia, 
to  prohibit,  by  the  year  1787,  the  further  importa- 
tion of  slaves  from  beyond  their  borders.  The 
Federal  Congress  was  still,  however,  inhibited  for 
twenty  years,  from  enacting  such  laws. 

The  action  of  the  State  tended  to  stabilize  social 
life,  by  reducing  the  number  of  strange  Negroes 
from  across  the  ocean;  and  to  strengthen  the  ties 
of  masters  and  servants,  by  prolonged  association. 
The  result  was  well-nigh  universal  in  the  Slave 

99 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


States  in  spite  of  South  Carolina’s  repeal  of  its  law, 
four  years  before  the  Federal  Act  was  passed  at  the 
close  of  1807.  Meanwhile  the  introduction  of  cot- 
ton, in  about  1790  as  the  chief  crop  of  these  States, 
proved  to  be  the  greatest  material  factor  in  deter- 
mining the  social  and  industrial  life  of  the  Eastern 
and  Southern  States,  especially  the  latter.  Once 
firmly  established,  following  Whitney’s  invention 
of  the  cotton  gin  in  1793,  it  almost  as  firmly  estab- 
lished the  life  of  the  Negro  in  his  agricultural  home. 

The  Louisiana  Purchase,  in  1803,  and  the  expan- 
sion of  sugar-planting  on  a large  scale,  completed, 
for  many  generations,  the  cycle  of  Southern  agri- 
cultural industry.  Since  then,  much  has  happened; 
but  agriculturally  the  Negro’s  home  is  practically 
unchanged  and  his  development  has  been  through 
a stable  school  of  arts  which  ministered  to  his  rural 
life. 

The  pupils,  we  must  bear  in  mind,  came  from 
many  tribes  of  Africans.  Professor  John  Mc- 
Crady,  in  the  course  of  a lecture  to  his  students  in 
Sewanee,  said  that  he  had  clearly  defined  fourteen 
different  dialects  spoken  by  the  Negroes  of  the  Sea 
Islands  of  South  Carolina,  and  did  not  doubt  but 
that  many  more  could  be  found  by  the  student  of 
the  Southern  Negro.  Not  only  were  the  dialects 
different,  but  quite  marked  were  the  physical  and 
mental  characteristics.  It  is  a mistake  to  imagine 
that  all  Negroes  are  alike.  The  pupils  of  the  planta- 
tion school  came  to  be  known  and  rated  personally 
just  as  the  pupils  of  any  school  must  be;  and  so, 
too,  the  children  of  the  large  patriarchal  family. 

100 


The  Slave  and  the  Freedman  in  America 


The  character  of  the  plantation  school  was  deter- 
mined, partly  by  the  crops  raised,  partly  by  the 
nature  of  the  land,  partly  by  the  personality  of  the 
master  and  his  foreman,  partly  by  the  number  of 
workers,  and  partly  by  the  neighborhood  customs. 
Some  neighborhoods  operated  on  the  gang  system, 
dividing  the  workers  into  groups ; others  on  the  task 
system,  allotting  so  much  as  the  labor  of  the  day; 
while  still  others  used  successfully  both  systems, 
often  the  former  for  men,  the  latter  for  women  and 
younger  learners. 

If  the  owner  had  but  one  or  half  a dozen  families 
of  servants  he  usually  labored  with  them  at  plough, 
or  hoe,  or  wagon.  If  a greater  number,  his  time 
was  fully  occupied  in  planning  the  work,  and  over- 
seeing the  workers.  If  the  plantations  were  very 
large,  the  organization  was  elaborate  and  complete. 
In  every  case,  to  the  Negro,  as  he  came  new  from 
his  African  home  and  for  long  after,  the  school 
was  most  valuable  and  every  day  brought  lessons 
to  body,  mind  and  soul.  As  the  great  majority  of 
the  old  servants  were  congregated  on  the  larger 
plantations,  it  was  there  that  most  of  the  training 
was  received.  Should  the  reader  have  access  to 
one  of  a number  of  books  like  A Southern  Planter , 
by  Mrs.  S.  D.  Smedes,  the  reading  will  be  most 
delightful  and  not  less  instructive  in  its  exact  picture 
of  the  old  regime.  Or  if  a visit  could  be  paid  to 
Alfred  Holt  Stone’s  Dunleith  Plantation  (a  very 
fine  sample  of  many  like  it)  in  Washington  County, 
Mississippi,  there  would  be  seen  a perfect  likeness 
of  the  old  life,  under  the  much  improved  condi- 

101 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


tions  (in  many  respects)  of  free  labor.  For  all 
that  was  best  in  the  old  regime,  the  mutual  interest, 
the  personal  attachments,  the  mutual  confidence,  the 
pride  in  home,  the  loyalty  and  friendship  between, 
master  and  servant,  has  been  preserved  in  the 
descendants  of  both.  The  statement  just  made  and 
that  which  follows  have  been  tested  all  over  the 
South,  and  never  found  wanting  whenever  the  two 
races  are  still  found  in  the  old  homes.  There  never 
has  been  a place  or  time  when  there  were  more 
Christian  Whites  and  Christian  Negroes  more  earn- 
estly interested  in  forming  and  keeping  the  highest 
and  best  race-relations,  and  in  seeking  the  best  in- 
terests of  both  races  alike,  than  in  the  South  at  this 
present  time.  Unfortunately,  they  are  not  all  Chris- 
tians who  call  the  name  of  Christ. 

The  organization  of  a large  plantation  had  to  be 
very  perfect  if  it  was  to  succeed  in  maintaining  its 
great  family.  Phillips’  American  Slavery  presents 
many  samples  and,  with  minute  detail,  describes  the 
routine,  interesting  but  not  necessary  to  our  study. 
One  type  will  sufficiently  illustrate  the  educative 
value  of  all. 

The  division  into  crafts  was  essential  where  the 
plantation  represented  a community  well-nigh  com- 
pletely self-sustaining.  There  was  the  agricultural 
department,  so  ordered  as  to  provide  the  right  pro- 
portion of  plowmen  and  hoe-hands,  each  with  its 
foreman.  In  every  case  the  foreman  or  head-man 
was  a Negro  of  marked  ability  as  a workman  and 
leader,  who  was  not  a mere  driver  but  a teacher. 
Generally  he  exacted  the  task  and  demanded  that 

102 


The  Slave  and  the  Freedman  in  America 

it  be  well  done.  Often  he  got  what  he  wanted  by 
tactful  resource  and  consummate  human  wisdom, 
as  one  of  them  expressed  it,  “I  never  discouraged, 
but  him  that  was  hindmost  I praised  the  most.” 
His  leadership  involved  every  detail,  both  of  prompt 
and  well-done  service,  and  of  the  care  of  the  tools; 
in  the  case  of  the  plowman,  the  proper  care  of  the 
livestock  and  its  management.  There  were  the 
carpenter  shops,  where  all  the  wood-work  was  done ; 
with  the  house  carpenter,  sometimes  the  cabinet- 
maker, and  always  the  toolmaker  for  the  wood-work 
of  plows,  wagons,  etc.  Often,  in  the  beginning,  they 
had  been  taught  by  white  experts  fresh  from  their 
apprenticeships  in  England  or  Ireland.  They  under- 
stood the  care  and  seasoning  of  timbers  and  lumber, 
from  the  cutting  in  the  forest  to  the  sawing  and 
shaping  in  the  shop.  Under  them  there  were  often 
one  or  more  young  apprentices  who  had  shown 
aptitude.  The  system,  the  exactness,  the  care- 
ful planning  that  no  want  should  be  unsupplied 
when  needed;  the  care  to  be  ready  for  instant  re- 
pairs that  other  departments  might  not  be  delayed 
— all  of  this  was  entrusted  to  the  head  of  each 
department  of  carpentry,  who  was  a man  to  be 
trusted  and  relied  upon ; and  the  master,  with  mind 
always  busy  looking  forward  and  eyes  seeing  every- 
thing, knew  it,  as  in  kindly  confidential  contact,  he 
rather  suggested  and  counselled  than  ordered.  Here 
is  a little  extract  from  a colloquy  once  heard  in  a 
very  busy  time. 

“Uncle  Ned,  where  are  those  plow  stocks?  Didn’t 
I tell  you  we  would  need  them  tomorrow”  ? 

103 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


“Marse  John,  who  is  making  dese  plows?  Don’t 
I know  when  dey  is  needed”  ? 

And  with  a chuckle,  Marse  John  receives  the  re- 
tort of  offended  dignity,  and  beats  a retreat,  having 
seen  the  various  parts  of  the  plows,  stacked  in  order, 
ready  to  be  assembled  in  a trifle  of  time,  and  proud 
of  the  old  reliable. 

There  was  the  blacksmith’s  shop,  where  every- 
thing was  made,  from  a nail  to  a lock  and  key,  from 
a plow-shovel  to  a wagon-axle  and  spindle,  from  a 
bridle-pit  to  steel  stirrups.  Gradually  these  were 
replaced  by  manufactured  articles;  but  to  the  last, 
any  might  be  repaired  or  replaced  if  necessity  re- 
quired. 

The  women  had  their  tasks.  There  were  the 
hoe-hands — women,  boys,  and  girls — to  be  taught 
under  easy,  short  tasks,  but  with  the  care  always 
required  by  their  foreman.  There  was  the  weave- 
room,  where  cotton  and  wool  were  spun  and  woven 
into  cloth  for  home  use.  The  dyeing  was  done  at 
home.  There  was  the  sewing-room  where,  under 
the  oversight  of  the  mistress,  clothing  in  proper 
quantity  was  cut  and  made  for  “top  and  bottom” 
wear.  There  was  the  day  nursery  where  the  young 
mothers,  busied  with  the  half  tasks  allotted  them, 
left  their  little  ones  under  the  care  of  the  older 
experienced  women  who,  under  the  mistress,  were 
at  times  nurses,  and  at  other  times  mid-wives. 

Some  plantations  also  had  “the  sick  house”  for 
severe  cases;  but,  in  most  cases,  the  sick  were  at 
home,  visited  regularly  by  master  or  mistress  or 
both,  and  by  the  family  doctor  where  his  attention 

104 


The  Slave  and  the  Freedman  in  America 

was  needed.  The  last  was  often  distant,  and  the 
master  and  mistress  were  generally  good  substi- 
tutes, always  supplied  with  simple  remedies.  The 
day-nursery  provided  the  opportunity  for  instruc- 
tion in  baby-farming,  which  many  a mistress  used 
to  great  advantage.  For  instruction  in  domestic 
service,  the  “Big  House”  was  the  school,  and  none 
better.  A southern  negro  boy  would  as  soon  have 
been  disrespectful  to  his  father  as  “sassed”  the  dig- 
nified butler  ; a punishment  would  even  more  cer- 
tainly have  followed  the  latter,  if  known.  And  the 
relation  of  love  between  children  and  “Mammy,” 
and  between  family  and  servants,  is  too  charmingly 
commonplace  to  remark. 

Dr.  Washington,  writing  of  God’s  hand  in  it  all, 
says:  “First,  He  made  the  southern  white  man  do 
business  with  the  Negro  for  250  years  in  a way 
that  no  one  else  has  done  business  with  him.  If  a 
southern  white  man  wanted  a house  or  a bridge 
built,  he  consulted  a negro  mechanic  about  the  plan 
and  the  actual  building  of  the  house  or  bridge.  If 
he  wanted  a suit  of  clothes  or  a pair  of  shoes  made, 
it  was  to  the  negro  tailor  or  shoemaker  that  he 
talked.  Secondly,  every  large  plantation  in  the  South 
was,  in  a limited  way,  an  industrial  school.  On 
these  plantations,  there  were  scores  of  young  col- 
ored men  and  women  who  were  constantly  being 
trained,  not  only  as  common  farmers,  but  as  carpen- 
ters, blacksmiths,  wheelwrights,  plasterers,  brick- 
masons,  engineers,  bridge-builders,  cooks,  dress- 
makers, housekeepers,  etc.  I would  be  the  last  to 
apologize  for  the  curse  of  slavery;  but  I am  simply 

105 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


stating  facts.  This  training  was  crude  and  was 
given  for  selfish  purposes;  and  did  not  answer  the 
highest  needs,  because  there  was  the  absence  of 
brain-training  in  connection  with  that  of  the  hand.” 

It  is  good  to  have  the  Negro  speak  for  himself. 
The  last  sentence  would  have  been  written  differ- 
ently by  his  white  friend.  Though  given  for  self- 
ish purposes  in  part,  the  training  was  definitely  also 
for  the  good  of  the  pupil;  and  while  often  crude, 
it  was  more  often  very  definitely  expert.  Some  of 
the  more  skilled  workers,  in  every  generation  of  the 
slavery  days  and  in  spite  of  adverse  laws,  were 
taught  to  read  and  cipher;  they  drew  their  plans, 
estimated  their  materials,  and  made  their  own  cal- 
culations for  the  work  in  hand.  Yet  it  is  also  true 
that  the  laws  against  school-training,  though  never 
fully  obeyed,  vastly  hindered  the  general  develop- 
ment of  the  race. 

One  other  important  division  of  farm  economics 
should  be  mentioned,  i.  e.,  the  food  supply,  involving 
the  raising  of  cattle,  hogs  and  poultry;  the  cure  of 
meats ; the  storage  of  grain  and  vegetables,  etc.  In 
all  this  there  were  plantation  experts,  as  well  as 
happy  joyous  faces  and  overfed  bodies  at  “hog- 
killin’  times.”  In  practically  all  cases,  Saturday  was 
half-holiday,  often  utilized  by  the  slaves  in  their 
home-gardens  or  in  other  work  yielding  money  to 
be  spent  at  their  own  pleasure.  Poultry  and  eggs, 
the  weaving  of  baskets  or  other  articles,  were  other 
sources  of  income.  Not  infrequently  the  Negroes 
continued  the  crafts  native  to  their  tribes  in  Africa. 

106 


The  Slave  and  the  Freedman  in  America 


The  houses  of  the  servants,  while  far  beyond 
those  left  behind  in  the  “Dark  Continent,”  and  com- 
fortable for  the  most  part,  were  certainly  not  the 
sort  in  which  a high  moral  life  could  be  taught. 
Consisting  often  of  only  two  rooms,  sometimes 
three,  the  problem  of  sleeping-quarters  in  them 
seemed  a secondary  consideration.  And  while  few 
planters  of  the  olden  days  would  admit  less  than  a 
real  interest  in  the  morals  of  their  servants,  practi- 
cally none  provided  the  means  of  safeguarding 
them  properly  in  the  homes  furnished.  Yet  it 
must  be  said  that  these  quarters  were  generally  bet- 
ter than  those  which  the  Negroes  have  provided  for 
themselves  “since  freedom.” 

We  turn  now  to  the  old  plantation  as  the  patriar- 
chal family,  with  its  valuable  educative  features 
in  moral  training  and  home-making.  “The  Big 
House”  was  the  name  given  by  the  Negroes  to  the 
master’s  home,  whether  a log  house  or  a stately 
mansion.  The  servants’  quarters  on  the  large  plan- 
tation were  often  in  the  form  of  a village,  with  its 
streets,  one  or  many,  as  the  inhabitants  required. 
Each  house  had  its  garden,  its  “hen-house,”  and 
generally  its  pig-sty;  with  its  fruit  trees,  serving 
both  for  shade  and  for  food.  Other  features  of  the 
village,  the  day  nursery,  etc. — have  been  mentioned. 
The  system  of  life  was  co-operative.  With  the  ex- 
ception of  the  garden  truck,  the  supplies  came  from 
the  plantation  storehouses  and  the  flocks  and  herds. 
Fish  from  the  nearby  streams,  wild  game,  and 
native  fruits  of  field  and  forest,  furnished  additional 
food  for  all  alike. 


107 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


“The  lives  of  Whites  and  Blacks,”  as  Professor 
Phillips  writes,  “were  partly  segregate,  partly 
intertwined.  If  any  special  links  were  needed,  the 
children  supplied  them.  The  white  ones,  hardly 
knowing  their  mothers  from  their  ‘mammies’  or 
their  uncles  by  blood  from  their  ‘uncles’  by  cour- 
tesy, had  the  freedom  of  the  kitchen  and  the  cabins ; 
and  the  black  ones  were  their  playmates  in  the 
shaded,  sunny  yard,  the  livelong  day.  Together 
they  were  regaled  with  folklore  in  the  quarters; 
with  the  Bible  and  fairy  stories  in  the  “Big  House” ; 
with  pastry  in  the  kitchen;  with  grapes  at  the  scup- 
pernong  vineyard ; with  melons  at  the  spring-house ; 
and  with  peaches  in  the  orchard.  The  half -grown 
boys  were  likewise  as  undiscriminating  among 
themselves  as  the  dogs  with  which  they  chased  rab- 
bits by  day  and  ’possums  by  night.  Indeed,  when 
the  fork  in  the  road  of  life  was  reached,  the  white 
youths  found  something  to  envy  in  the  freedom  of 
their  fellows’  feet  from  the  cramping  weight  of 
shoes,  and  the  freedom  of  their  minds  from  the  re- 
straints of  school.  With  the  approach  of  maturity, 
came  routine  and  responsibility  for  the  whites;  rou- 
tine alone  for  the  generality  of  the  blacks.  Some  of 
the  males  of  each  race  grew  into  ruffians,  others 
into  gentlemen  in  the  literal  sense;  some  of  the 
females  into  viragoes,  others  into  gentlewomen ; but 
most  of  both  races  and  sexes  merely  became  plain, 
wholesome  folk  of  a somewhat  distinctive  planta- 
tion type. 

In  amusements  there  was  the  same  mingling  and 
separation.  Never  a fox-hunt  or  a rabbit-chase, 

108 


The  Slave  and  the  Freedman  in  America 

but  some  bell-voiced  Negroes  were  on  hand  to 
“whoop-up  the  dogs,”  and,  with  canny  knowledge 
of  the  habits  of  wild  things,  to  guide  the  hunters, 
dogs  and  humans,  to  likely  lairs.  Something  like 
this  was  true  of  every  outdoor  sport.  If  the  Ne- 
groes gave  a dance,  the  White  were  there  to 
look  on  and  applaud.  If  there  was  a festivity  at 
the  “Big  House,”  there  were  sure  to  be  some  fa- 
vorites from  the  quarters  to  see  and  help.  Who,  that 
has  heard  them,  can  ever  forget  the  impromptu 
concerts  swelling  up  from  the  quarters  on  moon- 
light nights?  Starting  often  with  a single  voice 
from  the  stoop  of  a cabin,  and  traveling  from  house 
to  house,  until  the  combined  voices  swelled  upward 
and  outward  as  a great,  exquisite  organ  filling  all 
space — it  was,  in  very  truth,  a human  organ  of 
God’s  fashioning.  The  memory  brings  melody. 

Every  step  by  the  way  was  development  from  the 
savagery,  often  cannibalism,  of  African  inheritance, 
to  the  awakening  kindliness  due  to  others,  and  the 
reverence  for  life  as  such.  There  were  quarreling 
and  fighting  to  be  prevented  or  stopped.  Punish- 
ment was  often  inflicted  for  such  outbreaks.  In 
some  cases,  the  masters  resorted  to  athletics  as  both 
a training  in  self-control  and  a means  of  working 
off  surplus  energy.  Wrestling,  boxing,  racing  and 
the  like  were  practiced  under  the  eye  of  the  master, 
who  acted  as  judge  of  the  contest,  and  knew  how 
to  teach  the  contestants  to  compose  ruffled  feelings. 
Whether  at  work  or  at  play,  the  old  system  was  a 
school  of  training,  under  average  conditions  worth 
while ; under  the  best  conditions  most  valuable. 

109 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


Some  of  the  tribes  of  Africa  had  already  devel- 
oped agriculture  to  a degree.  The  American  life 
immeasurably  improved  both  method  and  purpose. 
And  what  a wholly  new  conception  of  family  and 
social  life  was  born  in  them!  Polygamy  had  been 
too  universally  fashionable  in  the  old  land  to  admit 
the  ties  of  family.  No  fondling  there  of  little  ones, 
no  rejoicing  in  the  growing  lives;  only  the  interest 
in  the  chattel,  to  be  sold  if  the  child  be  a girl,  if  a 
boy,  all  ties  gone  with  the  mother’s  dried  breast. 

But,  in  the  new  life,  love,  long  starved,  re-awak- 
ened  in  tremendous  force.  High  human  emotions 
were  developed,  released  and  expanded  under  ever 
increasing  kindly  relations,  growing  more  and  more 
into  affectionate  attachment  which  was  tried  by  shot 
and  shell,  by  hunger  and  thirst,  and  not  found 
wanting.  This  a South  Carolinian  wrote  in  1852, 
a few  years  before  the  testing  time  of  war:  “Expe- 
rience and  observation  fully  satisfy  me  that  the 
first  law  of  slavery  is  that  of  kindness  from  master 
to  slave.  With  that  ....  slavery  becomes 
a family  relation,  next,  in  its  attachments,  to  that  of 
parent  and  child.”  The  Negro  did  not  write  that — 
not  many  could — ; but  nearly  all  learned  to  live  it. 

Conditions  differing  from  those  of  the  Negro  in 
slavery  existed,  even  during  the  period  of  slavery, 
among  a constantly  growing  number  of  free  Ne- 
groes who  formed  a distinct  class  both  North  and 
South.  While  a very  few  free  Negroes  came  into 
the  colonies  from  the  Islands,  and,  in  the  early 
period,  a larger  number  at  the  expiration  of  the 
indentured  service,  this  class  was  formed  either  by 

no 


The  Slave  and  the  Freedman  in  America 

the  purchase  of  themselves  by  the  Negroes,  or 
through  their  manumission  by  generous  or  grateful 
masters.  Typical  of  the  first,  is  “the  deed  signed 
by  Robert  Daniell  of  South  Carolina,  in  1759, 
granting  freedom  to  his  slave,  David  Wilson,  in 
consideration  of  his  faithful  service,  and  of  £600 
currency  in  hand  paid.”  Illustrative  of  the  second, 
is  “the  will  of  Thomas  Stanford  of  New  Jersey,  in 
1722,  directing  that,  upon  the  death  of  the  testa- 
tor’s wife,  his  negro  man  should  have  his  freedom 
if,  in  the  opinion  of  three  neighbors  named,  he  had 
behaved  well.” 

It  is  to  be  noted,  too,  that  the  democratic  philoso- 
phy of  the  Revolutionary  period,  inevitably  and  im- 
mediately producing  the  abolition  movement,  stim- 
ulated very  greatly  private  manumissions  through- 
out the  colonies,  which  persisted,  in  spite  of  reac- 
tion, to  the  very  end  of  slavery.  Thus  Philip 
Graham,  of  Maryland,  made  a deed  in  1787,  by 
which  his  slaves  were  converted  into  servants  for 
terms,  and  in  which  he  recited,  as  the  reason,  his 
conviction  that  “the  holding  of  his  fellowmen  in 
bondage  and  slavery  is  repugnant  to  the  golden  law 
of  God  and  the  inalienable  right  of  mankind,  as 
well  as  to  every  principle  of  the  late  glorious  revo- 
lution which  has  taken  place  in  America.”  About 
the  same  time,  Richard  Randolph,  of  the  Roanoke 
family,  wrote  to  his  guardian,  “With  regard  to  the 
division  of  the  estate,  I want  only  to  say  that  I 
want  not  a single  Negro  for  other  purpose  than  his 
immediate  liberation.  I consider  every  individual 
thus  unshackled  as  the  source  of  future  generations, 

ill 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


not  to  say  nations,  of  freemen ; and  I shudder  when 
I think  that  so  insignificant  an  animal  as  I am  is 
invested  with  this  monstrous,  this  horrid  power.” 

So  many  were  the  manumissions  of  which  these 
are  typical,  that,  by  1790,  there  were  more  than 
35,000  freedmen  in  the  South.  And  while  the  rea- 
sons assigned  were  changed  in  the  Nineteenth  Cen- 
tury, liberations  on  a large  scale  were  made.  A 
unique  sample  was  that  of  John  McDonogh,  the 
most  thrifty  citizen  of  New  Orleans  in  his  day,  who 
made  a bargain  with  his  whole  force  of  slaves, 
about  1825,  by  which  they  were  collectively  to  earn 
their  freedom  and  their  passage  to  Liberia  by  their 
overtime  work  on  Saturday  afternoons.  This  labor 
was  to  be  done  in  McDonogh’s  own  service,  and  he 
was  to  keep  account  of  their  earnings.  They  were 
entitled  to  draw  upon  this  fund  upon  approved 
occasions;  but,  since  the  contract  was  with  the 
whole  group  of  slaves  as  a unit,  when  one  applied 
for  cash,  the  others  must  draw  theirs  pro  rata, 
thereby  postponing  the  common  day  of  liberation. 
Any  slaves  violating  the  rules  of  good  conduct  were 
to  be  sold  by  the  master,  whereupon  their  accrued 
earnings  would  revert  to  the  fund  of  the  rest.  The 
plan  was  carried  to  completion  on  schedule;  and, 
after  some  delay  in  embarkation,  they  left  America 
in  1842,  some  eighty  in  number,  with  their  late 
master’s  benediction.  In  concluding  his  public  nar- 
ration, McDonogh  wrote:  “They  have  now  sailed 
for  Liberia,  the  land  of  their  fathers.  I can  say 
with  truth  and  heartfelt  satisfaction  that  a more 
virtuous  people  does  not  exist  in  any  country.” 

112 


The  Slave  and  the  Freedman  in  America 

There  were  also  not  a few  families  of  Virginia 
and  South  Carolina  who,  though  not  without  diffi- 
culties, colonized  their  Negroes  in  Ohio,  and  them- 
selves, in  some  cases,  began  life  afresh  as  pioneers 
in  a new  country. 

Sometimes  the  liberations  were  attended  with 
romance,  as,  when  Pierre  Chastang,  of  Mobile,  was 
bought  and  freed  by  popular  subscription  in  recog- 
nition of  public  services  in  the  war  of  1812  and  in 
the  yellow  fever  epidemic  of  1819.  Another  out- 
standing figure  was  Sam  whose  freedom  was 
bought  in  reward  for  his  saving  the  State  Capitol 
from  burning,  the  Georgia  Legislature  providing 
$1800  by  a special  act  for  this  purpose.  Negroes 
freed  for  meritorious  service,  and  those  buying  their 
own  freedom,  became  ensamples  of  substantial 
worth  to  the  free  population. 

Among  these  freedmen  there  were  some  notable 
figures  who,  for  one  cause  or  another,  were  highly 
esteemed  in  the  locality  in  which  they  lived.  Just 
two  examples  must  suffice.  “In  Georgia,  the  most 
notable  was  Austin  Dabney,  who,  as  a mulatto 
youth,  served  in  the  revolutionary  army  and 
attached  himself  ever  after  to  the  white  family  who 
saved  his  life  when  he  was  wounded  in  battle.  The 
Georgia  legislature,  by  special  act,  gave  him  a farm ; 
he  was  welcomed  in  the  tavern  circle  of  chatting 
lawyers  whenever  his  favorite,  Judge  Dooly,  held 
court  in  his  home  village;  and  once,  when  the  for- 
mality of  drawing  his  pension  carried  him  to  Sa- 
vannah, the  Governor  of  the  State,  seeing  him  pass, 
invited  him  as  a guest  in  his  house. 

113 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


In  1792,  a Negro  named  Caesar,  noted  for  his 
knowledge  of  curative  herbs,  was  liberated  by  pur- 
chase, the  Assembly  of  South  Carolina  voting  the 
funds  and,  in  addition,  an  annuity  for  life. 

Thus,  by  purchase,  manumission  and  natural 
growth,  the  35,000  free  Negroes  of  1790  grew  to 
approximately  a half  million  in  1860 — about  equally 
divided  between  the  North  and  the  South.  The 
chief  concentration  was  in  the  border  States,  the 
number  rapidly  decreasing  with  increasing  dis- 
tance from  the  middle  line.  The  climate  and  the 
industrial  repression  in  the  far  North  were  alike 
unwholesome  to  this  class;  and  the  suspicion  and 
stringent  laws  in  the  far  South  about  as  much  so. 
In  both  cases  the  Whites  had  the  upper  hand,  and 
in  both  cases  they  used  their  power  after  their  own 
wills. 

The  lot  of  the  freedmen  was,  indeed,  a difficult 
one  to  bear.  The  philosophy  of  the  Negro,  and  the 
habit  of  association,  were  certainly  chief  elements 
in  the  preservation  of  peace  to  a remarkable  degree. 
The  well-to-do  had  their  property  at  stake;  the 
large  majority  of  day  laborers,  the  unprosperous 
and  inert,  were  satisfied  simply  to  be  free.  It  was 
the  smaller  class,  within  the  class,  who  represented 
the  progressive  freedmen,  the  forerunners  and 
prophets  of  the  after-war  leaders  and  seers  of  the 
race.  For  these  forerunners  had  already,  in  their 
day,  entered  every  large  field  of  endeavor  which 
engages  the  race  of  today. 

Among  the  Churches,  in  the  North,  with  few  ex- 
ceptions, the  freedman  was  driven  to  form  his  own 

114 


The  Slave  and  the  Freedman  in  America 

organizations;  while,  in  the  South,  he  was  encour- 
aged to  adopt  the  churches  of  the  Whites;  indeed, 
in  the  South,  few  separate  churches  were  provided 
by  any  denominations. 

Among  the  fraternal  organizations,  he  had  none 
in  the  South  in  common  with  the  Whites ; while,  in 
the  North,  the  Masons  and  Odd  Fellows  were  intro- 
duced, the  latter  through  a negro  initiate  who  had 
been  received  in  England.  This  most  natural  and 
important  feature  of  negro  social  life  was,  for  the 
most  part,  supplied  by  their  own  secret  societies. 
These  were  very  numerous  all  over  the  land,  as 
they  are  at  this  day.  It  is  quite  impossible  to  get 
accurately  at  the  history  of  these  societies,  so 
screened  in  secrecy.  A mere  glimpse  may  be  had 
of  their  purpose  through  the  published  notes  on 
the  “Union  Band  Society  of  New  Orleans,”  1860. 
Its  motto  was  “Love,  Union,  Peace,”  its  officers 
were  of  both  sexes.  Members  were  pledged  to  obey 
the  laws  of  the  Lodge,  and  its  officers  were  pledged 
to  keep  its  secrets,  to  live  in  love  and  union  with  its 
members,  to  visit  one  another  and  the  sick,  to  report 
illnesses  of  members,  and  to  wear  the  regalia  when 
required.  The  Official  Mother  was  required  to 
assign  nurses  for  the  sick  who  were  looked  after  in 
every  detail.  Funeral  expenses  and  the  burial,  in 
minute  detail,  were  provided  for.  (We  may  note, 
parenthetically,  that,  while  secret  societies  are  the 
rule  in  every  African  tribe,  it  is  doubtful  if  these 
had  more  than  a remote  connection  with  the  socie- 
ties in  America.) 


115 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


In  the  public  schools,  the  negro  freedmen  were 
little  regarded.  In  the  North,  generally,  they  were 
debarred  from  the  white  schools,  and  poorly  pro- 
vided with  schools  of  their  own;  in  the  South, 
after  1840,  education  was  discouraged,  and,  in  most 
communities,  forbidden. 

The  Fugitive-Slave  Law  bred  great  irregularity 
and  injustice  to  the  freedmen.  The  occasion  was 
thus  made  for  kidnapping  the  free  Negroes,  trans- 
porting them  to  distant  regions  where  identification 
would  be  difficult,  and  the  subsequent  sale  of  the 
captives  or  their  involuntary  servitude.  Societies 
were  established,  here  and  there,  to  prevent  these 
heartrending  tragedies.  All  the  States  had  laws 
against  it,  and  practically  no  failure  to  convict  is 
recorded  when  the  offender  was  brought  to  judg- 
ment. But  the  crime  was  so  comparatively  easy, 
that  the  wonder  is,  that  the  freedmen  increased  so 
steadily  and  normally. 

An  interesting  phase  of  the  life  of  the  freedman 
is  illustrated  by  the  census  of  urban  workers.  The 
United  States  Census  of  1850  gives,  in  parallel  col- 
umns, the  occupations  of  free  colored  labor,  above 
15  years  of  age,  in  New  York  and  New  Orleans, 
respectively.  In  the  former  there  were  3,337,  and 
in  the  latter  1,792.  New  York  had  4 lawyers  and 
3 druggists,  New  Orleans  none;  the  ministers  were 
21  to  1;  the  physicians,  9 to  4;  merchants,  3 to 
64;  jewelers,  3 to  5;  clerks,  7 to  61 ; teachers,  8 
to  12.  New  Orleans  also  had  4 capitalists,  2 plant- 
ers, 1 1 overseers,  9 grocers,  and  2 collectors,  while 
New  York  had  none  of  these.  New  York  had  three 

116 


The  Slave  and  the  Freedman  in  America 

times  as  many  barbers  as  New  Orleans,  and  twice  as 
many  butchers;  but,  while  New  Orleans  had  355 
carpenters,  New  York  had  only  12,  and  no  masons 
as  against  278  for  New  Orleans.  A like  proportion 
was  shown  in  all  the  skilled  trades. 

In  New  York,  one-third  of  the  freedmen  were 
unskilled  laborers;  while,  in  New  Orleans,  barely 
a tenth  were  of  this  class.  This  was  due  to  the 
greater  discrimination  against  colored  labor  in  the 
North,  which  was  true  then  as  now.  The  laws  in 
various  Northern  States  excluded  free  immigrants, 
and  discriminated  against  those  who  were  already 
in  their  borders.  In  industrial  life,  they  were  very 
generally  excluded  from  the  trades.  On  the  other 
hand,  in  the  South,  while  the  laws  were  even  more 
severe,  they  were  interpreted  far  more  leniently, 
and  the  practice  of  the  Whites  was  more  kindly, 
with  the  result  revealed  in  the  Census  quoted. 

In  view  of  the  difficult  condition  of  the  freedman, 
it  is  remarkable  that  so  few  accepted  the  invita- 
tions, so  widely  given,  to  emigrate  to  other  and  free 
lands.  The  Colonization  Society  offered  facilities 
to  move  to  Liberia,  beginning  with  1819;  the  Hai- 
tien  Government  offered  special  inducement  in  1824 
and  again  in  1859,  even  promising  free  transporta- 
tion and  free  lands  to  the  French-speaking  Negroes 
of  Louisiana.  In  1840,  an  Immigration  Society 
offered  free  transportation  to  British  Guiana.  But 
few  availed  themselves  of  these  opportunities,  pre- 
ferring the  ills  they  suffered,  along  with  very  gen- 
eral security  and  prosperity  to  those  they  knew  not 
of  in  the  distant  lands. 


117 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


It  is  also  remarkable  that  so  few  real  uprisings 
against  the  white  slave-holders  should  have 
occurred.  These  were  generally  led  by  the  f reed- 
men,  and  many  are  reported;  but,  in  most  cases, 
the  reports  were  much  like  the  flaring  headlines  of  a 
modern  newspaper,  and  must  be  attributed  to  the 
nervous  dread  of  such  possibilities.  This,  more 
than  the  few  real  happenings,  led  to  the  enactment 
of  stringent  laws;  but  the  generally  harmonious 
life  was  rewarded  with  very  lax  execution  of  such 
laws.  In  truth,  the  proportion  of  slave-holding, 
free  Negroes  in  some  localities,  such  as  New  Or- 
leans and  Charleston,  too  nearly  approached  that  of 
the  white  slave-holders,  to  warrant  a persistent  sus- 
picion of  danger.  In  spite  of  all  these  difficulties, 
a few  free  Negroes  of  note,  both  men  and  women, 
appear  in  every  generation. 

Dr.  James  Derham,  born  a slave  in  Philadelphia 
in  1762,  became  the  slave  of  a physician  in  New 
Orleans,  who  trained  and  used  him  as  an  assistant. 
He  bought  his  freedom,  and  became  the  first  recog- 
nized negro  physician  of  whom  there  is  record. 
“Dr.  Benjamin  Rush,”  says  the  Negro  Year  Book, 
“the  celebrated  physician,  published  an  account  of 
Derham  and  spoke  in  the  highest  terms  of  his  char- 
acter and  skill  as  a physician.” 

Dr.  Kelly  Miller  tells  us  that  “the  first  real  impe- 
tus to  bring  free  Negroes  in  considerable  numbers 
into  the  professional  world,  came  from  the  Ameri- 
can Colonization  Society  which,  in  the  early  years, 
flourished  in  the  South,  as  well  as  in  the  North  . 
. . . and  undertook  to  prepare  professional 

118 


The  Slave  and  the  Freedman  in  America 

leaders  of  their  race  for  the  Liberian  Colony.”  The 
Society  began  its  work  about  1817,  and  sent  teach- 
ers, trained  in  the  South  and  the  North  alike,  to 
the  Colony  established  shortly  after.  Among  these 
teachers  were  Doctors  Taylor,  Fleet,  and  DeGrasse. 

A century  earlier,  Benjamin  Banneker,  born  in 
Baltimore  in  1731,  was  the  first  man  in  America  to 
make  a clock  which  struck  the  hours. 

Phyllis  Wheatley,  born  in  Africa,  and  brought 
to  Boston  where  she  was  sold  to  John  Wheatley, 
and  educated,  wrote  verses  which  were  highly 
endorsed.  They  were  published  in  London,  and 
covered  a variety  of  topics,  religious  and  moral 
chiefly.  To  these  names  of  Negroes  who  attained 
distinction,  should  be  added  that  of  Daniel  A. 
Payne,  of  Baltimore,  the  founder  of  Union  Semi- 
nary (consolidated  in  1863  with  Wilberforce  Uni- 
versity), who  became  a Bishop  of  the  African 
Methodist  Church.  Others  will  appear  in  our  study 
of  the  religious  development  of  the  race. 

Commercially,  the  freedmen  were  not  without 
conspicuous  examples  of  thrift  and  material  suc- 
cess. There  was  “John  Jones,  the  colored  proprie- 
tor of  a popular  hotel  in  Charleston,  who  lived  in 
the  same  manner  as  his  white  patrons,  accumulated 
property  to  the  value  of  some  $40,000,  and  main- 
tained a reputation  for  high  business  integrity  and 
talent.”  Others  there  were  among  the  free  people 
of  that  city,  respected  and  prosperous,  with  consid- 
erable establishments  served  by  slaves.  In  New 
Orleans,  a still  larger  number  of  wealthy  colored 
people  lived.  Thorny  Lafon,  a merchant  and  money 

119 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


lender,  was  distinguished  both  for  his  wealth  and 
philanthropy.  He  died  about  30  years  ago  at  the 
age  of  82,  leaving  an  estate  valued  at  nearly  half 
a million,  from  which  many  charities  benefited.  Un- 
fortunately, wealth  and  good  repute  are  not  indis- 
solubly united  anywhere  or  among  any  people;  it 
is  therefore  pleasant  to  recall  them  wedded  in  the 
person  of  a Negro. 

Many  of  the  freedmen  were  gifted  in  small 
trades,  and  even  when  laws  were  passed  excluding 
them  from  populous  slave-areas,  petitions  were 
common  requesting  that  worthy  ones  might  be  per- 
mitted to  remain.  On  the  seaboard,  boating  and 
fishing  provided,  on  a small  scale,  both  a profitable 
and  a free  life  for  many.  A few  cases  of  large 
slave  and  land-holding  appear,  particularly  in  Lou- 
isiana. Cyprian  Ricard  bought  at  Sheriff’s  Sale,  in 
1851,  an  estate  in  Iberville  Parish,  at  a cost  of 
nearly  a quarter  of  a million  dollars.  “Marie 
Metoyer,  of  Nachitoches  Parish,  had  fifty-eight 
slaves,  and  more  than  two  thousand  acres  of  land 
when  she  died  in  1840.”  There  were  others  in 
Louisiana,  as  well  as  in  South  Carolina,  Virginia 
and  Maryland. 

These  conditions  among  the  freedmen  as  well  as 
the  patriarchal  system  on  the  plantations  had  their 
results  in  the  development  of  the  race. 

Along  with,  and  under  the  tuition  of,  the  pioneers 
of  America,  the  Negro  cleared  the  forests,  drained 
the  swamps,  subdued  the  wild  lands,  built  the  homes 
and  absorbed  the  civilization  of  the  older  race 
which  he  served.  Here,  as  always,  service  of  others 

120 


The  Slave  and  the  Freedman  in  America 


was  the  highest  service  of  self ; for,  conscious  or 
otherwise,  all  service  has  its  reaction  upon  the 
servers.  What  the  older  races  got,  through  the  long, 
weary,  successive  preparations  of  the  ages  of  stone 
and  wood  and  iron;  of  slave  and  feudal  and  chiv- 
alric  and  democratic  eras ; that,  in  contact  with  the 
highest  form  of  which  America  was  capable,  the 
ablest  and  most  diligent  among  the  Negroes  got 
through  their  amazing  capacity  for  absorption  and 
adaptability.  To  those  who  know  the  Negro  best, 
this  capacity  for  adaptation  and  absorption  is  still 
unbelievable;  while  to  those  who  know  him  re- 
motely, it  is  a miracle,  unexplained  or  miscon- 
strued. To  the  former — his  white  friends  of  the 
South  through  three  centuries  of  intimate  associa- 
tion— the  difficulty  is  to  understand  what  their 
eyes  behold — a child-race  of  seventy  years  ago 
already  producing  leaders  who  stand  among  their 
people  as  clear,  true  ensigns  of  their  race.  To  the 
latter — the  man  who  knows  the  Negro  more  re- 
motely— the  miracle  is  explained  only  upon  the 
assumption  that  the  Negro  is  a Caucasian  in  black 
and  not  what  God  made  him — a Negro — with  his 
own  racial  characteristics,  able  to  absorb  what  is 
best  in  the  world,  to  build  it  unto  himself  and  to 
stand  before  his  Master  and  before  mankind  in 
God  and  self-fashioned  black  manhood. 

The  scientific  professions  have  been  entered  by 
ever-increasing  numbers  and  by  increasingly  better- 
trained  men;  by  women,  too,  though  in  smaller 
numbers.  Doctors,  lawyers,  inventors,  chemists, 
scholars,  editors,  some  worthy  to  rank  high  in  their 

121 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


professions,  and  some  known  on  both  sides  of  the 
ocean,  are  at  once  the  pride  of  their  race,  and  the 
ministers  to  its  many  needs. 

There  were  tribes  in  Africa,  which  produced  men 
of  decided  artistic  talent,  untrained.  They  are  rep- 
resented here  in  the  coterie  of  worthy  sculptors  and 
painters.  All  were  musicians,  rude  doubtless  in 
their  native  haunts,  but  always  plaintive.  These, 
too,  are  here,  everywhere  softened  and  sweetened 
in  a gentler  atmosphere,  and  in  highest  culture  pro- 
ducing a black  Patti,  a Fish  Quartette,  and  others 
of  like  gifts.  It  may  not  be  to  the  credit  of  com- 
poser or  player,  but  the  fashionable  (and  abomina- 
ble) rag-time  music  is  their  gift  to  the  world.  In 
poetry,  Paul  Lawrence  Dunbar  is  universally  read 
and  sung,  and  there  are  many  others  almost  as 
worthy.  In  fiction,  a morning  paper  of  December 
14,  1921,  announces  the  winner  of  the  prize  of  the 
Gincourt  Academy,  Paris,  as  Rene  Moran,  a negro 
novelist  of  the  Island  of  Martinique.  America,  in 
spite  of  blots,  here  and  there,  has  been  kind  to  the 
Negro,  has  given  him  a chance,  has  helped  him  to 
embrace  it,  has  taught  him  much,  and  learned 
somewhat  from  him. 


122 


Chapter  V 


THE  PERIOD  OF  WAR  AND  RECON- 
STRUCTION 

VV/'E  have  seen  the  results  of  the  patriarchal  sys- 
tem  under  which  the  Negro  lived  in  America 
during  the  slave  era.  Then,  with  the  four  long 
years  of  war,  followed  by  the  eleven  (in  one  State 
fifteen)  long,  weary  years  of  Reconstruction,  came 
the  day  of  testing  of  the  results  of  the  carefully 
built  up  family  and  trade-school  training. 

Regarding  the  war-period  and  the  result  of  its 
testing,  White  and  Negro  alike  agree.  No  one  is 
better  qualified  to  speak  of  it  than  the  one  Negro 
who  knew,  and  who,  more  than  any  man  of  his 
day,  is  entitled  to  the  credit  and  the  honor  of  fash- 
ioning out  of  the  past  a new  and  greatly  better 
era  for  his  people  and  his  country,  Dr.  Booker  T. 
Washington. 

He  writes : “The  self-control  which  the  Negro 
exhibited  during  the  war  marks,  it  seems  to  me, 
one  of  the  most  important  chapters  in  the  history 
of  the  race.  Notwithstanding  that  he  knew  his 
master  was  away  from  home  fighting  a battle 
which,  if  successful,  would  result  in  his  continued 
enslavement,  yet  he  worked  faithfully  for  the  sup- 
port of  his  master’s  family.  If  the  Negro  had 
yielded  to  the  temptation  and  suggestion  to  use  the 
torch  or  dagger  in  an  attempt  to  destroy  his  mas- 

123 


.Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


ter’s  property  or  family,  the  result  would  have  been 
that  the  war  would  have  been  quickly  ended;  for 
the  master  would  have  returned  from  the  battle- 
field to  protect  and  defend  his  property  and  family. 
But  the  Negro,  to  the  last,  was  faithful  to  the  trust 
that  had  been  thrust  upon  him,  and  during  the  four 
years  of  war,  there  is  not  a single  instance  recorded 
where  he  attempted  in  any  way  to  outrage  the  fam- 
ily or  to  injure  his  master’s  property.” 

His  white  friends  have  said  as  much.  Thomas 
Nelson  Page  writes : “It  is  to  the  eternal  credit  of 
the  Whites  and  of  the  Negroes  that,  during  the 
four  years  of  war,  when  the  white  men  of  the 
South  were  absent  in  the  field,  they  could  entrust 
their  wives,  their  children,  all  they  possessed,  to  the 
care  and  guardianship  of  their  slaves  with  absolute 
confidence  in  their  fidelity.”  And  again:  “They 
raised  the  crop  that  fed  the  Confederate  Army,  and 
suffered  without  complaint  the  privations  which 
came  alike  to  White  and  Black.” 

Those  who  experienced  it  all  solemnly  and  sa- 
credly acknowledge  the  debt  of  gratitude  to  that 
generation  of  negro  servants  which  they  as  sa- 
credly bequeathed  to  their  posterity.  Said  a father 
to  his  son,  thirty-four  years  after  emancipation,  as 
death  was  closing  his  eyes,  “Son,  see  that  my  old 
black  people  are  cared  for.”  This  was  his  sole 
dying  injunction. 

But  what  is  the  significance  of  the  testing  of 
War?  It  meant  that  Africans  who,  in  their  native 
land,  had  acknowledged  no  obligation  to  anybody 
outside  of  tribal  ties,  whose  habit  of  life  had  been 

124 


The  Period  of  War  and  Reconstruction 

constant  warfare  with  all  else,  had  been  trans- 
formed by  new  family  ties  which  embraced,  ini 
loyal  fidelity.  White  and  Black  alike.  It  meant  that 
savage  people,  who  had  owned  no  sense  of  respon- 
sibility save  that  which  protected  personal  life  and 
furthered  personal  wishes,  had  been  so  wonderfully 
tutored  as  to  expand  that  sense  of  responsibility 
into  a loyalty  of  trust  that  is  little  short  of  miracu- 
lous. A war  whose  issue  was  the  Negro’s  freedom, 
could  not  break  that  bond  of  trust.  So  far,  in  the 
character  of  its  product — both  White  and  Negro — 
the  old  family  and  trade-school  had  been  tested, 
and  the  examination  had  been  passed.  When  the 
War  closed,  the  old  friendship  was  as  strong  as 
ever,  and  the  mutual  relation  closer  than  ever.  In 
most  cases,  their  freedom  was  first  announced  to 
their  former  slaves  by  the  old  masters;  and  both 
together  set  about  the  establishment  of  the  new 
relations  with  hearty  good  will  and  the  united 
desire  “to  re-build  our  homes.” 

Then  came  the  Reconstruction  Period,  with  its 
testing  of  a very  different  nature.  Here  again,  let 
us  hear  what  the  Negro  has  to  say,  and  learn  from 
himself  his  response.  Dr.  Washington  writes : “At 
the  close  of  the  War,  both  the  southern  white  man 
and  the  Negro  found  themselves  in  the  midst  of 
poverty.  The  ex-master  returned  from  the  war  to 
find  his  slave-property  gone,  his  farms  and  other 
industries  in  a state  of  collapse,  and  the  whole  in- 
dustrial and  economic  system,  upon  which  he  had 
depended  for  years,  entirely  disorganized. 

125 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 

As  we  review,  calmly  and  dispassionately,  the 
period  of  reconstruction,  we  must  use  a great  deal 
of  sympathy  and  generosity.  The  weak  point,  to 
my  mind,  in  the  reconstruction  era  was  that  no 
strong  force  was  brought  to  bear  in  the  direction 
of  preparing  the  Negro  to  become  an  intelligent, 
reliable  citizen  and  voter.  The  main  effort  seemed 
to  have  been  in  the  direction  of  controlling  his  vote 
for  the  time  being,  regardless  of  future  interests.  I 
hardly  believe  that  any  race  of  people,  with  similar 
preparation  and  similar  surroundings,  would  have 
acted  more  wisely  than,  or  very  differently  from, 
the  way  the  Negro  acted  during  the  period  of  re- 
construction ....  I do  not  believe  that  the 
Negro  was  so  much  at  fault  for  entering  so  largely 
into  politics,  and  for  the  mistakes  that  were  made 
in  too  many  cases,  as  were  the  unscrupulous  white 
leaders  who  got  the  Negro’s  confidence,  and  con- 
trolled his  vote,  to  further  their  own  ends,  regard- 
less, in  many  cases,  of  the  permanent  welfare  of  the 
Negro.  I have  always  considered  it  unfortunate 
that  the  southern  white  man  did  not  make  more 
effort  during  the  period  of  reconstruction  to  get  the 
confidence  and  sympathy  of  the  Negro,  and  thus 
have  been  able  to  keep  him  in  close  touch  and  sym- 
pathy in  politics  ....  What  the  Negro 
wants,  and  what  the  country  wants  to  do,  is  to  take 
advantage  of  all  the  lessons  that  were  taught  during 
the  days  of  reconstruction,  and  apply  these  lessons 
bravely  and  honestly  in  laying  the  foundation  upon 
which  the  Negro  can  stand  in  the  future,  and  make 
himself  a useful,  honorable  and  desirable  citizen, 

126 


The  Period  of  War  and  Reconstruction 

whether  he  has  his  new  residence  in  the  North,  the 
South,  or  the  West.” 

The  description  is  true.  The  white  friend  would 
have  written  this  one  sentence  differently — “I  have 
always  considered  it  unfortunate  that  the  Southern 
white  man  did  not  make  more  effort — to  get  the 
confidence  of  the  Negro  . . . .”  The  misfor- 

tune was,  that  the  old  southern  friends  were  not 
permitted  to  retain  the  confidence  of  their  old  Ne- 
gro friends  who  were  estranged  and  filled  with  sus- 
picion by  the  same  “unscrupulous  white  leaders 
who  got  the  Negro’s  confidence — to  further  their 
own  ends.”  Time  and  time  again,  during  this  era, 
far-seeing  Southerners,  sometimes  against  the  vig- 
orous protest  of  their  neighbors,  offered  small 
farms  to  their  old  servants  at  very  low  prices,  which 
would  provide  homes  of  self-respect  and  stem  the 
tide  of  temptation  to  wander  and  to  idle  about.  Not 
a few  accepted  the  advice  of  their  old  and  best 
friends;  but  the  new  toy  of  ownership  was  too 
alluring.  In  nearly  all  cases  the  feeling  of  wealth 
in  possession  bred  spendthrift  habits  and  the  early 
loss  of  the  farms. 

But  our  purpose  is  not  to  trace  the  story  of  re- 
construction. This  has  been  amply  told  by  South- 
erners— Thomas  Nelson  Page  and  others;  and  by 
Northerners — Carl  Schurz,  Rhodes  and  others.  Our 
purpose  is  to  note  the  result  of  this  testing-time 
upon  the  pupils  trained  in  the  old  plantation  trade- 
school. 

Again  the  answer  is  given  by  Dr.  Washington, 
whose  testimony  is  substantially  that  of  his  race  of 

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Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


that  generation.  “This  business  contact  with  the 
southern  white  man,  and  the  industrial  training 
received  on  the  plantations,  put  the  Negro,  at  the 
close  of  the  war,  into  possession  of  all  the  common 
and  skilled  labor  of  the  South.  For  nearly  twenty 
years  after  the  war,  except  in  one  or  two  cases,  the 
value  of  the  industrial  training  given  by  the  Ne- 
groes’ former  masters  on  the  plantations  and  else- 
where was  overlooked.  Negro  men  and  women 
were  educated  in  literature,  mathematics  and  the 
sciences,  with  no  thought  of  what  had  taken  place 
on  these  plantations  for  two  and  one  half  centu- 
ries. After  twenty  years,  those  who  were  trained 
as  mechanics,  etc.,  during  slavery,  began  to  disap- 
pear by  death ; and  gradually  we  awoke  to  the  fact 
that  we  had  no  one  to  take  their  places.  We  had 
scores  of  young  men  learned  in  Greek;  but  few  in 
carpentry,  or  mechanical  or  architectural  drawing. 
We  had  trained  many  in  Latin ; but  almost  none  as 
engineers,  bridge -builders,  and  machinists.  Num- 
bers were  taken  from  the  farm  and  educated,  but 
were  educated  in  everything  else  except  agriculture. 
Hence  they  had  no  sympathy  with  farm  life,  and 
did  not  return  to  it.” 

The  real  fact  is,  that,  as  a result  of  the  recon- 
struction policies,  quite  fifteen  years  were  well  nigh 
lost  in  the  development  of  the  Negro.  For  what  is 
the  value  of  tuition  in  Greek  and  Latin  and  the  finer 
arts,  for  a few  of  the  brighter  minds — so  few  as 
barely  to  touch  the  fringe  of  the  great  race — com- 
pared with  the  prevailing  temporary  loss  of  the  ad- 
vantages of  generations  of  training  in  practical 

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The  Period  of  War  and  Reconstruction 


arts,  the  racial  estrangement  in  their  old  homes,  and 
the  long  years  of  protected  idleness  and  sloth  such 
as  Carl  Schurz  describes? 

During  this  Reconstruction  Period,  the  religious 
life  as  well  as  the  industrial  life  of  the  Negro  was 
disturbed  and  oftentimes  destroyed  with  a resul- 
tant loss  in  the  development  of  good  citizenship. 

The  condition  of  the  Church  in  the  South,  where 
so  vast  a majority  of  the  Negroes  were  destined  to 
retain  their  homes,  is  beyond  a healthy  imagination 
now  to  picture.  The  armies  of  the  long  years  of 
war  had  swept  over  them  from  Virginia  to  Texas. 
The  Rev.  Bowyer  Stewart,  in  his  Hale  Memorial 
Sermon  of  1913,  gives  a summary,  the  accuracy  of 
which  may  be  accepted.  In  Virginia,  some  14 
churches  were  destroyed,  and  24  more  or  less  dam- 
aged; in  South  Carolina,  13  churches  destroyed, 
and  26  chapels  for  Negroes;  in  Tennessee,  only  3 
churches  escaped  injury;  while  in  Georgia,  Ala- 
bama, Mississippi,  Arkansas  and  Louisiana,  the 
conditions  were  somewhat  worse  than  in  North 
Carolina.  The  many  churches  and  schools  put  to 
military  use,  meant  the  destruction  of  furniture  and 
the  abuse  of  buildings,  which  rendered  the  latter 
useless  for  the  time.  Episcopal  residences  and  rec- 
tories, in  some  cases,  suffered  either  total  or  partial 
destruction.  The  poverty  was  very  great.  A care- 
ful examination,  reported  to  the  South  Carolina 
Convention,  in  1868,  showed  that  “along  the  entire 
seaboard,  from  North  Carolina  to  Georgia,  where 
our  Church  had  flourished  for  more  than  a cen- 
tury, there  are  but  four  parishes  which  maintain 

129 


9 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


religious  services;  not  one,  outside  the  city  of 
Charleston,  can  be  called  a living,  self-sustaining 
parish;  their  clergy  live  by  fishing,  farming  and 
mechanic  arts.”  Other  Dioceses,  though  in  less 
measure,  as  a rule,  experienced  great  loss  and  great 
poverty. 

But  there  were  great  men  at  the  helm — Bishops 
Johns,  Atkinson,  Davis  (soon  succeeded  by  Howe), 
Elliott,  the  two  Wilmers,  Quintard,  Lay,  and 
Gregg.  The  five  years  to  1871,  showed  recovery 
of  white  communicants  in  nearly  every  Diocese 
except  South  Carolina.  All  alike  had  lost  many 
of  their  negro  members,  the  greatest  loss  being  in 
South  Carolina  which  originally  had  most.  South 
Carolina,  however,  is  a fairly  typical  illustration  of 
the  comparative  loss  of  negro  members  throughout 
the  South.  In  1861,  the  Diocesan  Journal  records 
2979  white  communicants  and  2973  colored;  that 
of  1872,  3102  white,  618  colored,  most  of  these  in 
Calvary  Church  and  St.  Mark’s,  Charleston. 

Why  was  this?  The  facts  are  the  more  aston- 
ishing when  one  reflects  upon  the  universal  practice 
of  the  Church,  during  so  many  generations,  of 
close  religious  association;  upon  the  success  of 
Christian  teaching  so  apparently  universal  upon 
the  complete  trust  in  one  another  exhibited  during 
the  test  of  war;  and  the  resultant  feeling  of  afifec- 
tionate  gratitude  on  the  part  of  the  white  Church- 
men. 

Moreover,  the  latter  were  prepared  to  continue 
the  Christian  ministrations  under  the  new  order  in 
the  confident  expectation  that,  however  changed 

130 


The  Period  of  War  and  Reconstruction 


the  economic  and  social  relation,  nothing  could 
sever  the  bond  of  Christian  fellowship  in  the 
Church.  Bishop  Davis,  in  1866,  was  expressing  a 
conviction  universally  shared  when,  looking  out 
upon  the  vast  confusion,  he  nevertheless  declared, 
“I  have  not  complete  statistics;  but  am  convinced, 
from  observation  and  information,  that,  in  all  cases 
where  the  colored  population  shall  be  reinstated  in 
their  former  localities,  they  will  return  to  the  com- 
munion of  the  Church.”  Unfortunately,  however, 
succeeding  years  bore  testimony  to  progressive 
losses,  until  another  Bishop  voiced  the  thought 
which  experience,  in  turn,  had  universally  brought : 
“The  defection  from  the  Church  is  almost  univer- 
sal. In  some  parishes  I have  visited,  which  a few 
years  ago  numbered  more  than  a hundred  commu- 
nicants, not  one  has  come  forward  to  kneel  at  the 
altar,  and  very  few  to  enter  the  church.  The  voice 
of  remonstrance  from  their  once-honored  pastors 
falls  unheeded  upon  their  ears;  unscriptural  reve- 
lation are  substituted  for  the  Word  of  God;  the 
ancient  forms  of  worship  are  declared  to  quench  the 
ministrations  of  the  Spirit;  and  the  sober  worship 
of  the  sanctuary  is  exchanged  for  the  midnight 
orgies  of  a frantic  superstition.”  There  are  some 
very  bright  and  cheering  exceptions,  but  this  quo- 
tation from  Bishop  Wilmer,  of  Louisiana,  describes 
the  rule. 

Why  was  it  ? The  question  may  not  be  answered 
in  a short  phrase,  and  probably  may  not  be  an- 
swered satisfactorily  at  all. 

There  was  the  fact  that  the  Negro’s  religious 
131 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


teachers  had  been  his  masters,  beloved  under  the 
old  regime,  but  whose  guidance  and  control,  even 
in  church,  was  to  be  regarded  with  wary  suspicion. 
He  could  not  differentiate  between  the  essential 
wrong  of  a system,  and  the  blessing  which  the 
Church  had  brought  to  him  in  that  system.  For 
the  present,  the  wrong  was  uppermost  in  his  mind. 

Then  there  was  the  reconstruction  system,  and 
the  hope  held,  in  confident  expectation,  of  a change 
in  condition  which  a changed  social  relation  would 
miraculously  effect.  The  negro  masses  could  not 
foresee  the  slow,  toilsome  pathway  up  which  every 
primitive  race  has  plodded  to  changed  conditions, 
and  better. 

Again,  there  was  the  natural  conviction  of  the 
Negro  that  his  freed  allegiance  was  now  due  to  his 
northern  liberators;  and  this,  beyond  any  bond  of 
slave-time  friendship  with  those  who  had  held  him 
in  slavery.  It  was  the  newborn  freedom,  from 
restraint,  entering  like  new  wine  into  old  vessels 
overstrained.  . 

Finally,  there  was  among  the  few  negro  leaders, 
(and,  because  few,  therefore  all  the  more  power- 
ful) the  exultant  and  alluring  ambition  to  play 
the  man,  and  to  attempt  to  demonstrate  the  full- 
grown  majority  of  a race  just  dropping  its  swad- 
dling clothes. 

These  were  the  conditions  (inevitable  to  the 
change  of  social  structure  from  slave  to  free)  ready 
at  hand  when  the  reconstruction  policies  offered  the 
chance  to  unscrupulous  politicians  from  North 
and  South.  They  offered  a ready  opportunity  for 

132 


The  Period  of  War  and  Reconstruction 


inspiring  the  Negro  with  a subtle  distrust  of  former 
masters  now  become  neighbors.  Racial  hatred  for 
the  wrongs  of  slavery,  now  became  magnified  to  the 
exclusion  of  any  benefits  whatever  derived  from  the 
system.  For  the  unscrupulous,  the  rewards  in- 
creased with  the  widening  of  the  chasm  between 
race  and  race;  they  were  secured  at  the  price  of 
the  ruthless  exploitation  of  the  Negroes,  and  the 
breeding  of  a spirit  of  suspicion  and  distrust  toward 
their  old  friends. 

To  the  positive  and  infallible  declarations  to  the 
Negroes  that  allegiance  to  the  Church  of  their  mas- 
ters meant  the  continuation  of  slavery,  the  great 
racial  instinct,  as  yet  untutored  to  know  better, 
responded  with  tremendous  and  deep  fervor.  Only 
the  few  could  know  better,  and  have  the  courage  to 
follow  their  own  convictions.  And  what  else  could 
have  been  possible  in  view  of  the  actual  condi- 
tions? Had  wiser  counsels  prevailed,  and  had  old 
racial  and  personal  attachments  and  interdependen- 
cies, so  carefully  built  up,  been  fostered  as  the  best 
condition  under  which  to  work  out  the  stupendous 
problems  of  the  new  time,  no  one  can  doubt  that 
the  story  of  American  life  would  have  been  dif- 
ferent, and  few  can  doubt  that  it  would  have  been 
better.  As  it  was,  the  conditions  which  served  the 
unworthy  ends  of  the  white  demagogue,  were  sadly 
fruitful  in  heartrending  results  upon  the  religion  of 
the  Negro. 

For  many,  there  was  the  clinging  memory  of 
heathen  superstitions — hardly  asleep — certainly  not 
dead.  There  was  the  “call  of  the  wild” — powerful 

133 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


over  all  nature,  however  highly  developed — and 
now  heard  by  a people  only  just  freed  from  the 
leash.  What  race  in  all  history  has  ever  faced  such 
sudden,  such  powerful  temptations  as  were  freely 
cast  before  this  people,  backed  up  by  military  occu- 
pancy? The  amazing  thing  is,  that  they  stood  be- 
fore such  temptations  with  as  little  resulting  harm 
to  themselves  and  to  the  Whites  as  may  justly  be 
charged  against  either. 

It  was  not  alone,  or  even  chiefly,  that  this  was 
made  possible  by  precautions  to  prevent  racial 
clashes.  It  was,  before  everything  else,  because 
of  the  two  centuries  of  American  life  in  which  the 
Negroes  had  more  and  more  progressed  in  all  that 
goes  to  transform  heathen  savages  into  Christian 
men  and  women,  and  had  earned  the  right  of  trust 
and  affection  without  the  clogging  burden  of  vast 
responsibility  impossible  of  fulfilment.  Dr.  Wash- 
ington is  right  when  he  says,  as  already  noted,  “I 
do  not  believe  that  the  Negro  was  so  much  at  fault 
. . . . for  the  mistakes  that  were  made  in  too 

many  cases,  as  were  the  unscrupulous  white  lead- 
ers who  got  the  Negroes’  confidence  . . . . 

to  further  their  own  ends.” 

Those  years  of  association  had  produced  their 
intimate,  confidential  friendships  between  the  white 
master  and  the  strong  head-men  on  every  planta- 
tion— friendships  which  nothing  could  destroy;  and 
every  community  points  back  to  level  headed,  wise, 
older  Negroes  who  saw,  though  they  could  not  fully 
measure,  the  seriousness  brought  by  the  new  day. 
The  quiet,  almost  secret  conferences  of  these  old 

134 


The  Period  of  War  and  Reconstruction 


friends  about  the  new  life,  entered  as  leaven  into 
the  great  unleavened,  working,  dismayed  mass.  The 
break  became  a chasm  as  reconstruction  advanced. 
The  race  had  not  yet  had  time  to  become  estab- 
lished. 

We  must  note,  too,  that  slavery,  however  service- 
able in  the  discipline  of  a new  people,  did  not  con- 
duce to  self-reliance  in  any  walk  of  life;  it  was  not 
the  favorable  condition  out  of  which  to  develop 
steadfastness  in  the  religious  life  so  essential  to 
desirable  citizenship.  “The  law  is  the  schoolmaster  to 
lead  to  Christ,”  is  not  only  the  terse  description  of  a 
long  episode  in  the  history  of  our  religious  fore- 
fathers, it  is  still  more  the  expression  of  the  law 
of  religious  growth.  First,  there  is  the  period  of 
the  imposition  of  law,  with  its  tuition  of  restraint 
from  without,  gradually  developing  into  self-im- 
posed control  as  the  sense  of  the  reasonable  justice 
and  righteousness  of  it  develops.  Then  the  habit 
of  balanced  self-restraint,  as  the  motive  of  right- 
eousness, becomes  instinct  with  life  through  the 
growth  of  the  Christ-life  in  us,  when  the  pattern 
life  is  the  only  life  dominant  over  conscience. 

To  have  expected  this  process  to  be  completed, 
and  its  fruits  full-grown,  in  any  considerable  num- 
ber of  this  newly,  partially  converted  people,  was 
certainly  unreasonable.  It  is  our  complaint  of  our 
own  race,  that,  after  more  than  twelve  centuries  of 
inherited  Christian  faith,  we  are  so  far  from  this 
consummation.  At  the  very  best,  slavery  was  the 
reign  of  law,  but  with  no  settled  objective  toward 
the  full  “liberty  of  the  children  of  God”;  and  as 

135 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


long  as  St.  Paul’s  law  of  development  was  arrested 
in  mid-operation,  it  had  scant  chance  of  complete 
fruition. 

In  an  age  of  progressive  education  through  the 
printed  page,  this  accepted  means  of  hastening  tui- 
tion in  religious  knowledge  and  spiritual  charac- 
ter, was  withheld  from  the  slave  as  inapplicable, 
even  dangerous,  to  his  condition.  While  it  may  be 
recalled  that  Christianity  flourished  before  print- 
ing, it  is  enough  to  say  that  human  progress  is  the 
product  of  its  own  age,  and  the  condition  of  an  age 
retards  him  who  declines  or  is  deprived  of  con- 
formity to  it,  as  readily  as  it  stimulates  him  who 
conforms. 

Such  is  our  attempt  to  explain  the  very  great 
defection  of  the  Negro  from  the  white  Churches 
after  the  war.  Doubtless  it  falls  short  of  being  a 
complete  explanation,  but  it  seems  to  be  at  least  a 
natural  one. 

The  year  1880  may  properly  be  considered  as 
marking  the.  close  of  the  period  of  the  War  and 
Reconstruction.  With  exceptions  noted  later,  the 
period  was  one  of  consternation  to  the  leaders  of 
the  Church,  and  deep  regret  over  what  seemed  the 
failure  of  the  long  years  of  devoted  ministry:  for 
the  negro  race  had  shown  retrogression  in  every 
way,  religiously,  morally,  and  industrially.  Those 
twentv  years  of  lost  opportunity  of  which  Dr. 
Washington  wrote,  were  lost  to  all  save  the  very 
few  who  were  strong  enough  to  yield  themselves 
to  the  best  influences,  and  steadfastly  to  build  that 
best  into  themselves.  To  the  Church  leaders  of  the 


136 


The  Period  of  War  and  Reconstruction 

day,  all  seemed  lost.  But  was  all  lost?  The  an- 
swer of  faith  is  an  emphatic  NO! 

The  Episcopal  Church  lost  uncounted  numbers  of 
members.  Some  of  these  doubtless  were  never 
shepherded  to  any  earthly  fold.  Most  of  them, 
with  no  education  to  add  power  to  a half-formed 
faith,  became  partial  victims  of  the  temptations  of 
traditional  heathen  religions.  But  the  newly  born 
and  developing  faith  was  not  lost,  even  though  the 
Fathers’  anxiety  and  profound  distress  over  the 
lapse  of  spiritual  children  to  “indications  of  Afri- 
can barbarism”  are  pathetic  excuse  for  their  de- 
spair. It  would  have  been  as  unnatural  for  the 
Whites  to  measure  the  full  significance  of  this  day 
of  complete  revolution  in  the  life  of  the  Negroes,  as 
for  the  Negroes  to  escape  the  first  consequences  of 
it.  Nor  was  it  possible  for  such  an  era  to  end  in  a 
day.  Other  peoples  have  had  revolutions,  and  with 
like  results.  The  French  Revolution,  with  nearly 
1700  years  of  Christian  training  behind  its  victims, 
and  its  consequences  still  a factor  of  no  small  power 
in  French  life,  is  a pointed  instance.  Indeed  eras, 
good  or  bad,  do  not  really  end ; they  carry  forward 
and  onward.  The  era  of  Reconstruction  carried  on- 
ward in  American  life;  and,  in  like  manner,  the  era 
of  Slavery,  with  its  mingled  beneficence  and  cru- 
elty, its  Christian  and  industrial  training  inter- 
twined with  heathen  traditions,  its  regime  of  earn- 
est, zealous,  loving  ministry,  its  “line  upon  line  and 
precept  upon  precept”  of  unwearying  tuition- —this, 
too,  for  better  or  worse,  influenced  the  Negro  of  a 
later  period.  When,  at  length,  the  excesses  inevi- 

137 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 

tably  connected  with  the  new-found  freedom  had 
ceased,  and  when  the  years  of  loss  had  come  to  an 
end,  then  the  old  training,  religious  and  industrial, 
and  the  need  for  its  power  in  racial  development 
came  once  more  to  the  fore  in  the  minds  of  these 
few  truly  great  and  conspicuous  leaders  whose  lives 
spanned  the  great  gulf  of  past  and  present.  These 
were  able  to  wrest  much  of  advantage  to  their  race 
out  of  the  very  mistakes  in  education  which  Dr. 
Washington  laments. 

We  have  reminded  ourselves  of  the  tremendous, 
the  indescribably  difficult,  task  of  the  very  small 
band  of  negro  leaders,  in  guiding  their  people  to  a 
saner  life  and  to  the  ambition  to  fill  life  with  the 
best  that  God’s  gifts  to  them  would  enable.  Of 
such,  were  Bishop  Payne,  of  the  African  Methodist 
Church;  John  Jasper,  the  famous  Richmond 
preacher;  Alexander  Crummell,  of  the  Episcopal 
Church;  Henry  M.  Turner,  of  the  African  Metho- 
dist Church  ; Isaiah  Montgomery,  of  Mount  Bayou, 
Mississippi ; and,  of  the  younger  men,  Booker  T. 
Washington  and  his  successor  Robert  R.  Moton, 
Archdeacon  Russell,  Dr.  Bragg,  Dr.  Tunnell,  Dr. 
Dubois,  Bishop  Demby,  Professor  Battle,  and  many 
others  of  their  generation.  What  a load  they  have 
had  to  carry  as  represented  by  ignorance,  supersti- 
tion, low  moral  tone,  shiftlessness  and  unresponse 
in  the  vast  majority  of  their  brethren!  What  a 
task,  to  overcome  the  losses  of  that  very  era  which 
produced  their  younger  men!  What  a supreme 
faith,  what  unswerving  confidence  in  their  great 
mission,  were  demanded,  and  in  large  measure  pro- 

138 


The  Period  of  War  and  Reconstruction 

vided!  We  can  but  reflect  that,  whether  or  no  the 
Whites  recognize  the  wisdom  of  the  methods  and 
philosophies  of  one  or  all  or  any  of  the  negro  lead- 
ers, the  greatest  sin  we  can  commit  toward  them  is 
to  withhold  our  sympathy  from  them  in  their  toil- 
some, troublous,  tragic,  upward  pathway  along 
which,  with  sweat  of  blood,  they  must  lead  the  mil- 
lions of  their  brethren.  The  demand  of  their  con- 
dition, ever  since  Reconstruction,  has  been,  and  is 
now,  for  that  patient,  helpful  sympathy  from  which 
confidence  is  born,  the  confidence  which  invites  mu- 
tual conference,  the  correction  of  error,  the  enlight- 
enment of  motive  and  objective,  and  so  on  to  a com- 
mon task  to  which  White  and  Negro  alike  can 
devote  their  best  efforts. 

As  Dr.  Washington  says,  it  was  too  late  to  cry 
over  what  might  have  been.  The  era  produced  at 
least  one  institution  (possibly  there  may  have  been 
others)  which  a wise  head  conceived — Hampton 
Institute,  Virginia.  General  Armstrong,  with 
equally  wise  retrospect  and  foresight,  builded  upon 
the  past  for  an  enduring  future — a future  that 
would  restore  the  best  in  the  past,  and  make  the 
best  better.  Hampton  would  have  been  a success 
even  had  it  died  after  producing  Booker  T.  Wash- 
ington, founder  of  Tuskegee  Institute;  and  James 
S.  Russell,  founder  of  St  Paul’s  School,  Law- 
renceville,  Va. 

There  was  something,  too,  that  the  Reconstruc- 
tion Era  could  not  destroy.  It  could  fan  racial  prej- 
udices, and  set  race  against  race  in  political  antag- 
onism ; but  it  could  not  destroy  the  deep,  ever  abid- 

139 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


ing  affections  between  the  races,  which  the  old  life 
had  nurtured.  That  remained  as  both  the  motive 
for  redeeming  the  time,  and  the  foundation  for  the 
rebuilded  life  so  sadly  shattered  and  dismembered. 
The  era  ended,  white  and  black  again  took  up  the 
task  of  rebuilding. 

Of  the  total  negro  population,  in  1880,  about 
95  per  cent  were  still  in  the  South;  and,  in  1920, 
after  forty  years  of  development,  and  in  spite  of 
the  enticement  of  the  fabulous  wages  in  manufac- 
turing States  created  by  the  World  War,  this  per- 
centage is  still  nearly  75  per  cent.  The  South  is  the 
Negro’s  home,  and  the  conditions  of  his  greatest 
opportunity  are  there.  This  is  the  testimony  of 
both  black  and  white  observers.  Read  Edgar  Gard- 
ner Murphy’s  Problems  of  the  Present  South  (p. 
184  et  seq.)  ; DuBois’s  The  Philadelphia  Negro', 
and  this  passage  from  the  address  by  the  Principal 
of  Tuskegee  which,  in  short,  expresses  the  witness 
of  all  alike : “Wherever  the  Negro  has  lost  ground, 
industrially,  in  the  South,  it  is  not  because  there  is 
prejudice  against  him,  as  a skilled  laborer,  on  the 
part  of  the  native  southern  white  man.  . . . 

There  is  almost  no  prejudice,  against  the  Negro  in 
the  South  in  matters  of  business,  so  far  as  the 
native  Whites  are  concerned.”  This  was  published 
in  1899.  Since  then,  Labor  Unions  have  had  a dis- 
concerting relation  to  the  matter — a relation  still 
in  solution.  But  certainly  there  was  a free  field 
for  the  Negro  for  about  half  a century,  coupled 
with  about  as  much  help  from  the  white  people  as 
they  could  give  and  as  the  Negro  would  seek; 

140 


The  Period  of  War  and  Reconstruction 


from  the  Northern  White  also,  about  as  much  as 
the  Negro  could  profitably  use.  The  results  of  these 
fifty  years  seem  to  prove  this,  and  to  offer  irrefut- 
able evidence  of  the  excellent  preparatory  work  of 
the  old  patriarchal  system  which  we  have  reviewed 
in  a previous  chapter. 


141 


Chapter  VI 


THE  EDUCATION  OF  THE  NEGRO 

VV7"E  have  studied  the  Negro,  both  slave  and  free, 
” in  his  native  home  and  when  transplanted. 
We  have  looked  upon  the  picture  which  his  life  ex- 
hibits under  these  varying  conditions.  We  have 
traced  his  career  through  the  school  of  slavery  into 
the  larger  school  of  free  American  life,  and  seen 
the  picture  which  his  life  has  wrought  here.  We 
turn  now  to  the  forces  which  have  produced  a trans- 
formation not  short  of  startling  to  the  casual  ob- 
server. The  two  forces  are  education,  which  oc- 
cupies this  chapter,  and  the  Christian  religion  which 
will  engage  us  in  the  next. 

Among  the  educated  colonists  of  the  early  years, 
there  was  no  question  raised  as  to  the  education 
of  slaves.  Schools  were  few  for  themselves,  and  in 
most  cases  instruction  in  letters  fell  among  family 
duties.  Slaves  were  as  yet  indentured  servants,  few 
in  number,  and  were  probably  taught,  if  at  all, 
along  with  the  children  of  the  family.  Intelligent 
masters  naturally  regarded  intelligent  servants  as 
most  profitable  to  their  mutual  interest.  Unlettered 
owners  quite  as  naturally  had  neither  the  wish  nor 
the  ability  to  instruct  their  servants  in  letters,  and 
both  alike  enjoyed  the  freedom  from  such  mental 
strain. 


143 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


As  the  population — free  and  slave — increased, 
and  as  social  life  became  more  complex  and  the 
status  of  the  slaves  fixed,  questions  as  to  the  educa- 
tion of  the  latter  were  raised.  The  cultured  slave- 
holders very  generally,  and  the  missionaries  uni- 
versally, contended  for  their  education;  the  exploit- 
ers and  materialists  usually  opposed  it;  though 
there  may  have  been  exceptions  on  both  sides.  It 
was  not  until  after  the  insurrectionary  movements 
around  1835,  that  laws  against  negro  education 
were  possible  because  upheld  by  public  sentiment. 
By  this  time  it  was  very  generally  feared  that  ability 
to  read  would  be  the  ready  means  of  learning  of 
uprisings  abroad  and  of  suggesting  them  at  home. 

Perhaps  the  earliest  systematic  effort  toward 
negro  education  was  in  1691,  when,  in  Virginia, 
the  Church  became  the  agency  through  which  the 
apprenticeship  of  Negroes  was  made.  Youths  gifted 
mechanically  and  industrially  were  indentured  on 
condition  that  the  talent  be  developed  and  that  they 
be  taught  to  read ; in  some  cases  “to  read  the  Bible 
distinctly”  was  specified.  Both  before  and  after 
that  date,  there  is  abundant  evidence  that  parochial 
instruction  was  not  unusual  by  the  missionaries, 
especially  in  the  southern  colonies. 

In  1704,  Elias  Neau,  a French  Protestant,  who 
had  come  to  New  York  and  conformed  to  the  Eng- 
lish Church,  opened  a school  for  the  Negroes.  Suc- 
cess attended  his  efforts;  but,  in  1712,  attempts  were 
made  to  close  his  school  as  contributing  to  insur- 
rectionary movements.  Mr.  Neau  was  able  to  prove 
that  only  one  of  his  pupils  had  joined  such  a move- 

144 


The  Education  of  the  Negro 


ment,  and  the  school  continued  its  good  work  under 
successive  teachers  and  rectors  for  more  than  half 
a century.  Originally  this  school  was  under  the 
auspices  of  the  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the 
Gospel  (“S.  P.  G.”),  but  later  it  came  under  paro- 
chial support,  presumably  that  of  Trinity  Church. 

The  S.  P.  G.  required  of  its  teachers  that  the 
Negroes  and  Indians  be  taught  to  read  the  Bible 
and  other  useful  books  and  poems,  and  be  grounded 
in  the  Church  Catechism.  Some  three  years  be- 
fore the  opening  of  the  Neau  School,  the  Rev. 
Samuel  Thomas  had  established  an  S.  P.  G.  school 
in  Goose  Creek  Parish,  S.  C.  Mr.  Thomas  in  his 
account  of  the  one  thousand  slaves  in  his  parish, 
reported  that  many  of  them  could  read  the  Bible 
distinctly.  Gradually  schools  were  here  and  there 
dotted  over  the  colonies,  in  connection  with  the 
churches. 

The  most  ambitious  enterprise  of  these  early 
years,  was  the  school  established  in  Charleston, 
about  1741.  Two  slaves  were  bought,  Harry  and 
Andrew,  selected  for  their  unusual  intelligence,  and 
trained  to  be  the  teachers  of  others,  and  especially 
of  slaves  who  could  carry  back  to  their  homes  the 
learning  acquired.  Commissary  Garden  erected  the 
building  and  launched  the  school  with  about  sixty 
young  students  at  the  opening.  The  promoters 
planned  to  send  out  annually  from  thirty  to  forty 
youths  as  teachers.  Unhappily  its  life  was  short, 
less  than  twenty-five  years. 

About  the  same  time  the  Catechetical  Schools  in 
St.  Peter’s  and  Christ  Church,  Philadelphia,  were 

145 


10 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


opened  with  William  Sturgeon,  a graduate  of  Yale, 
as  instructor.  His  nineteen  years  of  service  and  its 
satisfactory  fruits  entitle  him  to  rank  among  the 
great  teachers  of  his  time. 

Commissary  Bray  of  Maryland,  through  influen- 
tial friends  in  England,  gathered  a school-fund 
whose  benefactions  overflowed  into  Pennsylvania 
on  the  North,  and  North  Carolina  on  the  South. 

Meantime  the  Quakers,  who  had  been  the  first, 
were  always  the  most  consistent  in  teaching  the 
Negroes,  often  defying  both  sentiment  and  local 
laws  that  they  might  be  true  to  their  convictions. 
The  Moravians  also  were  active  in  the  settlement  at 
Bethlehem,  Pa.,  as  well  as  in  New  Jersey  and  in 
the  Carolinas. 

An  interesting  private  venture  was  that  of  Mrs. 
Elize  Lucas  Pinckney,  mother  of  the  two  patriot 
statesmen  and  soldiers  of  the  Revolution,  who, 
while  managing  her  father’s  South  Carolina  estate, 
found  time  to  teach  a class  of  young  Negroes  to 
read.  This  about  1740. 

Quite  naturally,  the  American  Revolution  stimu- 
lated greatly  the  cause  of  education,  both  of  the 
Whites  and  of  the  Negroes,  when  it  was  declared 
to  be  both  the  duty  and  the  right  of  man  under  the 
new  institutions.  Washington,  Franklin,  Jefferson, 
and  Madison,  were  foremost  in  commending  grad- 
ual emancipation  after  education  and  training  for 
citizenship.  The  following  passages  from  Doctor 
Woodson’s  Education  of  the  Negro  Prior  to  1861, 
fairly  express  the  teaching  of  these  and  other 
Fathers  of  the  Republic.  “Many  Americans  who 

146 


The  Education  of  the  Negro 

considered  slavery  an  evil,  had  found  no  way  out 
of  the  difficulty,  when  the  alternative  was  to  turn 
loose  upon  society  so  many  uncivilized  men  without 
the  ability  to  discharge  the  duties  of  citizenship.” 
“These  leaders  recommended  gradual  emancipation 
for  States  having  a large  slave  population,  that  those 
designated  for  freedom  might  first  be  instructed  in 
the  value  and  meaning  of  liberty  to  render  them 
comfortable  in  the  use  of  it.” 

How  many  of  the  heartaches  and  tragedies  of  the 
succeeding  long  years  might  have  been  prevented, 
had  the  people  of  America  been  as  ready  to  follow 
their  leaders  in  making  pathways  for  peace  and 
righteousness,  and  in  establishing  right  and  justice 
and  self-government  for  their  Negro  and  Indian 
people,  as  they  had  been  ready  to  follow  them  in 
paths  of  war  in  fending  their  own  rights  and  estab- 
lishing their  own  self-government!  But  self-in- 
terest makes  partisans  of  the  general  run  of  people 
not  less  now  than  then. 

The  Fathers  of  our  Country,  of  our  (then)  new 
model  of  social  life,  found  the  motive  of  education 
to  be  comfort  in  freedom  and  usefulness  in  citizen- 
ship. They  looked  forward  to  the  day  when  present 
slaves  would  be  future  citizens.  They  looked  out 
upon  their  day  in  which  education  was  the  prepara- 
tion of  the  embryo  citizens.  The  thought  of  the 
era  greatly  stimulated  interest  in  education. 

In  the  northern  States,  education  of  the  Whites 
took  a leap  forward;  and  not  a few  schools  for 
Negroes,  often  separate  at  their  own  request,  were 
opened  and  adapted  to  their  needs  and  occupations. 

147 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


\ 


In  New  England,  Boston  taking  the  lead,  the 
negro  children  were  generally  admitted  to  the 
schools.  The  Negroes  opened  a school  for  them- 
selves in  one  of  their  homes  and  applied  for  its 
admission  and  better  equipment  as  a separate  school, 
but  this  was  declined. 

The  Clarkson  Hall  Schools  in  Philadelphia  were 
the  most  successful,  perhaps  of  the  time;  and  by 
1815  were  offering  free  tuition  to  more  than  300 
pupils.  Evening  sessions  were  opened  for  adults. 
In  Maryland,  the  Roman  Catholics  and  Quakers 
were  foremost  in  this  field  of  endeavor.  In  Virginia, 
the  cities  of  Alexandria,  Richmond,  Petersburg,  and 
Norfolk  were  chief  centers  of  education.  In  Alex- 
andria, both  races  attended  the  same  schools,  a 
practice  probably  growing  out  of  a like  custom  in 
Sunday  school.  In  the  rural  districts,  the  instruc- 
tion of  the  Negroes  was  done  through  the  churches 
very  generally,  spelling  and  reading  of  the  Bible 
being  the  goal. 

North  Carolina  was  even  more  liberal  in  her  at- 
titude toward  education,  and  the  Negroes  “attained 
rank  among  the  most  enlightened  in  ante-bellum 
days.”  A remarkable  instance,  all  the  more  so 
because  the  only  one  known,  is  that  of  the  Rev. 
John  Chavis,  a Presbyterian  minister,  described  as 
a full-blooded  Negro  of  dark  brown  color,  whose 
intellectual  gifts  early  attracted  the  attention  of  his 
white  neighbors  of  Oxford,  N.  C.  He  was  sent 
to  Princeton  to  see  if  a Negro  would  take  a collegi- 
ate education.  There  he  took  high  rank  as  a good 
Latin,  and  a fair  Greek  scholar.  Upon  graduation, 

148 


The  Education  of  the  Negro 


he  spent  many  years  as  a missionary  and  pastor 
until  laws  were  passed,  in  1831,  forbidding  Negroes 
to  preach.  He  then  became  a teacher,  opening  a 
classical  school  for  white  pupils.  Some  of  the 
most  distinguished  men  of  the  State  were  his  pa- 
trons and  pupils.  Professor  Basset  of  Trinity  Col- 
lege, N.  C.,  tells  his  story,  and  names  among  his 
pupils,  W.  P.  Mangum,  afterwards  U.  S.  Senator; 
Archibald  and  John  Henderson,  sons  of  the  Chief 
Justice;  Charles  Manley,  afterwards  Governor  of 
North  Carolina;  and  Dr.  James  L.  Wortham,  of 
Oxford. 

Beyond  the  parish  school  instruction,  there  were 
no  schools  reported  in  South  Carolina  outside  of 
Charleston.  In  that  city,  schools  for  the  free  Ne- 
groes taught  by  white  teachers  were  maintained  up 
to  the  Civil  War,  and,  indeed,  until  about  ten  years 
ago,  when  the  Negroes  requested  their  own  teachers 
to  be  substituted  for  the  Whites. 

The  combined  result  of  the  Abolition  movement 
and  the  insurrections  in  1830  and  later,  was  a reac- 
tion against  such  education,  very  general  over  the 
entire  country.  Even  in  New  Hampshire  and  Con- 
necticut, attempts  to  open  schools  for  Negroes  were 
thwarted.  Prudence  Crandall,  a Quakeress,  was 
imprisoned  in  Connecticut ; and  a newly  built  school 
in  Canaan,  N.  H.,  was  wrecked.  By  about  1850, 
hostility  had  abated,  and,  in  the  north,  activities 
were  revived  and  stimulated;  while  in  the  South, 
Negroes,  in  small  numbers,  received  some  teaching 
in  private  or  clandestinely.  There  were  exceptions 
to  this  last  statement,  for  there  were  open  schools 

149 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 

in  Petersburg,  Va.,  and  in  Charleston,  S.  C.,  as  well 
as  in  North  Carolina. 

Before  the  Civil  War,  there  were  three  opportu- 
nities for  higher  learning  opened  to  the  Negroes — 
Oberlin  College,  1833,  and  Wilberforce,  1856  (both 
in  Ohio),  and  Lincoln  University,  1854,  in  Penn- 
sylvania. Apart  from  these,  a very  few  Negroes,  as 
in  the  case  of  the  Rev.  John  Chavis,  were  by  favor 
admitted  to  other  colleges  in  the  North  and  West. 
The  Episcopal  Church  was  first  in  the  field  of  edu- 
cation as  of  evangelization,  the  two  were  wedded 
together;  but  it  was  not  until  after  Emancipation 
that  higher  education  was  made  a part  of  her  school 
system  for  the  Negroes. 

It  is  well  to  remember  that,  from  our  present 
point  of  view,  the  era  we  have  been  reviewing  is 
a primitive  one.  Up  to  1860,  most  of  our  popula- 
tion lived  isolated,  rural  lives,  and  about  one-half 
of  our  white  citizens  were  deprived  of  schooling, 
and  were  classed  as  illiterate.  Literary  ambition 
was  not  a normal  asset.  Among  the  Negroes,  but 
a bare  ten  per  cent  were  literate  at  the  close  of  this 
period;  and,  of  these,  the  far  greater  number  were 
free  Negroes  in  the  upper  tier  of  States.  During 
the  Civil  War,  this  percentage  seems  to  have  de- 
clined; and,  at  its  close,  something  like  six  to  eight 
per  cent  expresses  the  ratio  of  the  literate. 

The  after-war  period  opens  with  the  operations 
of  the  Freedmen’s  Bureau,  created  in  connection 
with  the  War  Department,  to  instruct  and  prepare 
the  Negroes  for  the  exercise  of  the  rights  and  duties 
of  citizenship.  In  this,  the  Government  acted  in 

150 


The  Education  of  the  Negro 

conjunction  with  Boards  of  Churches,  either  al- 
ready formed  or  at  once  organized. 

In  the  South,  the  Episcopal  Church  and  the  Ro- 
man Catholic  were  the  only  large  and  undivided 
bodies  with  which  such  alliance  could  be  made.  The 
disaffection  among  the  negro  members  of  the  Epis- 
copal Church  stripped  her  of  any  great  powers  of 
usefulness;  therefore,  the  Boards  acting  with  the 
Freedmen’s  Bureau  were  generally  northern.  Among 
these,  the  American  Missionary  Society,  at  first  in- 
terdenominational and  later  Congregational,  must 
hold  distinction  as  first  in  service. 

The  most  notable  achievement  of  the  movement 
was  Hampton  Institute,  whose  foundations  were  so 
wisely  laid  by  General  Armstrong.  At  once  our 
Board  of  Missions  organized  a Freedman’s  Bu- 
reau ; and  through  its  co-operation  there  were 
opened,  by  1870,  a score  or  more  of  schools  in 
North  and  South  Carolina,  Virginia,  Tennessee, 
Georgia,  and  Kentucky.  Of  these,  St.  Augustine’s, 
Raleigh,  has  had  a continuous  and  distinguished 
career,  the  story  of  which  appears  later. 

In  1873,  the  Petersburg  School  became  a Normal 
School  under  Major  Giles  B.  Cooke,  a Confederate 
officer  who,  entering  the  ministry,  became  rector  of 
St.  Stephen’s  Church  for  Negroes.  The  story  of 
this  school  is  interesting  as  the  model  of  other  less 
noted  ones  throughout  the  South. 

Early  in  1866,  our  Church  Freedman’s  Bureau 
sent,  to  Petersburg,  Miss  Amanda  Aiken  (whose 
memory  has  ever  since  been  revered)  as  the  teacher 
and  organizer  of  St.  James’  School  which  was  first 

151 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


opened  in  a private  room.  After  many  vicissitudes, 
the  school  was  finally  established  in  a house  which, 
though  inconvenient  and  distant  a mile  from  the 
old  site,  served  to  shelter  a good  number  of  the 
320  pupils  formerly  enrolled.  Under  the  name, 
St.  Stephen’s,  a new  and  attractive  church  and 
school  were  completed  in  1868,  and  the  Rev.  Jos. 
S.  Atwell,  a colored  priest,  took  charge  the  follow- 
ing year  and  conducted  the  parochial  school  until 
1873.  Then  “Major  Cooke,”  as  he  was  generally 
called,  already  a teacher  of  the  Negroes  in  the 
neighborhood,  became  rector.  The  greatest  need  of 
the  time  was  for  negro  teachers,  hence  the  expan- 
sion into  the  Normal  School.  About  as  great  a 
need  was  for  ministers,  and  soon  the  Normal  School 
added  a course  for  their  training  under  the  Rev. 
Dr.  Spencer,  and  became  a branch  of  the  Virginia 
Seminary.  The  “Major’s  School”  became  a recog- 
nized institution,  gaining  the  complete  confidence 
of  both  races  in  a day  when  such  an  achievement 
was  not  easy.  Among  the  first  pupils  sent  out  was 
the  Rev.  J.  H.  M.  Pollard,  later  Archdeacon  of  his 
native  Diocese.  The  Rev.  Jos.  W.  Cain  had  re- 
ceived his  early  schooling  under  Miss  Aiken,  and 
later  was  a deputy  to  General  Convention  from 
Texas.  The  Rev.  James  S.  Russell  was  the  first 
student  of  the  Theological  Training  School,  which 
laid  the  foundation  for  the  Payne  Divinity  School. 
During  its  fourteen  years  of  life,  many  were  the 
teachers  sent  out  by  Major  Cooke’s  School,  and 
they  were  in  great  demand  because  of  the  excellence 
of  their  training. 


152 


The  Education  of  the  Negro 


One  other  type  of  school  of  this  period  (the  type 
of  many)  should  attract  the  interest  of  the  student 
of  the  subject — i.  e.,  the  country  schools.  There 
is  no  better  sample,  perhaps,  than  the  Clarkson 
School  in  Middle  South  Carolina  on  the  Wateree 
River.  The  first  Clarkson  was  an  Englishman  who 
settled  in  his  Wateree  home,  east  of  Columbia,  early 
in  the  last  century.  He  at  once  built  chapels  on 
his  plantations  for  his  Negroes,  and  had  them 
taught  by  a clergyman  in  catechetical  schools.  At 
his  death,  he  left  a substantial  sum  for  this  purpose; 
but  the  laws  were  adverse,  and  the  bequest  could 
not  be  fulfilled.  It  was  to  their  honor  that  each 
generation  should  have  desired  to  do  more  than 
compensate  their  Negroes  for  this  loss.  The  last 
of  the  immediate  family,  Miss  Julia  Clarkson,  is 
now  the  devoted  teacher  and  lay  missionary.  The 
war  and  its  aftermath  were  very  destructive  to  the 
region,  and  the  Chapel  in  Middleburg  fell  a victim, 
with  other  property.  Only  occasional  Services  could 
be  held,  and  instruction  was  intermittent.  The  Rev. 
B.  B.  Babbitt,  a graduate  of  Amherst,  with  a spirit 
and  zeal  holier  than  a crusader,  had  left  his  New 
England  home  to  make  good  the  promises  for  the 
Negroes.  He  took  orders  and  was  a welcome  helper 
and  pastor  to  the  Clarkson’s  Chapel  whenever  his 
duties  in  Columbia  allowed. 

It  was  not  until  1879  that  Mr.  Thomas  Clarkson, 
in  middle  life,  was  ordained.  He  served  his  entire 
ministry  fulfilling  the  ancestral  trust  as  pastor  and 
teacher.  He  rebuilt  the  Middleburg  church  largely 
with  his  own  hands,  and  preached  and  taught  until 

153 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


his  death.  His  wife  continued  the  school  to  her 
death;  and,  since  then,  the  daughter.  Both  have 
also  taken  the  duties  of  lay-reader  as  necessity  re- 
quired. Mrs.  Clarkson  moved  the  school  to  her 
home  in  the  Sand  Hills,  Services  and  school  being- 
held  under  a great  maple  tree  at  first,  or,  when  the 
weather  required,  in  a farm  house,  until,  through 
the  kindness  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Saul  of  Philadelphia, 
a chapel  was  built  and  later  a separate  school  house. 

The  ideal  had  been  a boarding-industrial-school, 
for  two  obvious  reasons  which  the  terms  suggest. 
Then  another  fire  destroyed  the  Chapel ; but  again 
it  was  restored,  largely  by  the  negro  members,  and 
renamed  St.  Thomas  in  memory  of  their  beloved 
rector,  Mr.  Thomas  Clarkson. 

The  transformation  in  the  life  of  the  neighbor- 
hood is  strikingly  described  by  Miss  Clarkson.  The 
moral  tone  appears  immeasurably  better,  marriage 
relations  far  more  constant,  embarrassment  of  in- 
quiry about  the  parentage  of  children  immensely 
relieved  as  compared  with  the  postwar  period  of  re- 
trogression, and  families  quiet  and  reverent  at 
Chapel,  and  sending  their  children  to  school.  “The 
school  house  is  the  center  of  community  life,  the 
clubs  meet  there,  the  Woman’s  Auxiliary,  and  other 
organizations.  We  have  sociables,  wedding  recep- 
tions, sometimes  dances,  and,  last  January,  a Golden 
Wedding!”  Sewing  and  cooking  are  taught,  the 
former  during  the  summer,  and,  at  present,  the 
latter  in  Miss  Clarkson’s  kitchen,  there  being  no 
domestic  science  outfit.  A small  canning  outfit 
serves  the  school  and  community,  and  is  used  to 

154 


The  Education  of  the  Negro 


the  limit  in  summer.  A colored  missionary,  the 
Rev.  J.  C.  Perry,  now  serves  the  mission,  baptizes 
the  babies,  and  administers  the  Holy  Communion. 
Miss  Clarkson  is  the  tireless  day-by-day  minister 
to  all  needs  of  the  needy. 

This  description  is  extended  to  the  present.  It 
is  a fair  sample  of  the  rural  schools — more  than 
fifty — throughout  the  Fourth,  or  Sewanee,  Prov- 
ince, some  of  them  with  long  histories  and  some 
recently  opened.  Scarcely  one  of  the  older  schools 
but  illustrates  some  motive  of  devotion  on  the  part 
of  white  churchmen  toward  their  negro  friends; 
and  most  of  the  later  ones  illustrate  equally  the  zeal 
and  self-sacrifice  of  more  fortunate  Negroes  for 
their  less  favored  brethren.  The  story  of  each  is 
a tempting  romance  of  missions,  into  which  lack  of 
space  forbids  our  entrance  in  this  study. 

There  were  in  1922  fourteen  such  parochial 
schools  in  the  Diocese  of  South  Carolina  with  an 
enrollment  of  over  1,000  children,  and  in  North 
and  East  Carolina  there  were  twenty-one  similar 
schools.  These  schools  furnish  the  bulk  of  the 
students  who  attend  such  institutions,  as  St.  Paul’s, 
Lawrenceville,  and  St.  Augustine’s,  Raleigh.  Many 
of  them  give  courses  in  cooking,  sewing,  and  man- 
ual training,  with  rudiments  of  a good  high-school 
education. 

In  any  discussion  of  the  education  of  the  Negro 
is  involved  naturally  the  all-important  question, 
what  is  the  purpose  of  his  education?  It  has  al- 
ready been  mentioned  that  a general  prejudice 
against  higher  education  existed,  because  of  the  fear 

155 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


that  an  educated  Negro  might  be  a trouble-maker. 
The  weak  points  in  much  of  the  education  of  the 
Reconstruction  Period  have  also  been  noted.  But 
present-day  conditions  have  brought  the  education 
of  the  Negro  prominently  to  the  fore  among  our 
national  problems  as  we  realize  what  it  means  to 
the  nation  to  have  within  its  heart  not  only  a race 
within  a race,  but  an  illiterate  race  within  an  edu- 
cated democracy. 

Feeling  that  the  Church  held  the  only  satisfac- 
tory answer  to  this  question,  in  that  the  purpose  of 
education  in  the  Church  is  to  train  mind  and  soul 
and  body  for  a Christian  citizenship,  the  idea  of  a 
Church  Institute  was  suggested  in  1905,  and  its 
incorporation  was  strongly  and  successfully  advo- 
cated by  Bishop  Greer  and  Mr.  George  Foster  Pea- 
body of  New  York.  This  proposal  was  approved 
by  the  Board  of  Missions,  and,  in  1906,  the  Institute 
began  its  work.  The  Rev.  Samuel  H.  Bishop,  as 
General  Agent,  was  the  happy  choice  of  the  corpo- 
ration. He  immediately  made  a thorough  survey 
of  the  educational  system  of  the  South,  and  a sec- 
ond, equally  thorough,  of  the  work  of  the  Church 
in  educating  the  Negroes.  The  ultimate  purpose 
was  to  be  of  assistance  to  all  the  schools  in  the 
Dioceses,  but  it  was  necessary  for  the  new  Institute 
to  walk  before  it  could  run.  The  South  was  doing 
much,  though  with  inadequate  resources,  and  the 
North  had  become  somewhat  apathetic  because  of 
the  many  independent  appeals  by  individuals  with 
no  organizations  behind,  or  authority  over,  them. 
Confidence  had  to  be  restored  in  order  that  interest 


156 


The  Education  of  the  Negro 


might  be  awakened.  So  the  Institute  was  virtually 
an  authorized  medium  of  good  faith  between  the 
northern  helper  and  the  southern  school  worker. 

It  was  expected  that  this  special  organization 
would  tend  to  emphasize  the  obligation  of  the 
Church  for  the  moral  and  spiritual  advancement  of 
the  Negro  together  with  his  intellectual  advance. 
Its  purpose  was  to  give  unity  to  the  educational 
work  already  being  done  by  the  Church  among  the 
Negroes,  and  to  make  clear  the  great  need  of  ex- 
tension and  thorough  organization.  The  intention 
was  that  it  should  come  to  the  relief  of  every 
Southern  Diocese  by  developing  in  each  at  least  one 
Industrial  High  School  for  the  Christian  training 
of  teachers  and  leaders  of  the  negro  race. 

The  founding  of  the  Institute  was  to  many  a 
doubtful  venture  since  it  began  its  career  without 
an  endowment,  and  with  an  exceedingly  limited 
list  of  subscribers;  but  the  faith  of  its  founders 
has  been  justified.  In  1906,  only  three  schools, 
St.  Paul’s,  St.  Augustine’s,  and  the  Bishop  Payne 
Divinity  School,  accepted  the  supervision  of  the 
Institute.  Today  there  are  ten  schools  affiliated 
with  it,  with  an  annual  enrollment  of  from  2,700 
to  3,000  students. 

The  three  largest  and  best  defined  of  our  schools 
— St.  Augustine’s,  Raleigh,  N.  C.,  St.  Paul’s,  Law- 
renceville,  and  Bishop  Payne  Divinity  School, 
Petersburg,  Virginia — were  chosen  as  institutions 
out  of  which  “to  create  typical  examples  of  success- 
ful correlation  and  development,”  as  Mr.  Bishop 
advised.  These  represented  respectively  a high  de- 

157 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


gree  of  industrial  excellence,  advanced  collegiate 
standards,  and  thorough  training  for  the  ministry. 
The  first  two  furnished  models  for  future  Institute 
Schools  in  every  needed  feature  of  education.  The 
Payne  Divinity  School  should  furnish  all  that  the 
Church  will  need,  for  many  generations,  in  its  spe- 
cial sphere. 

St.  Augustine’s,  Raleigh,  N.  C.,  the  oldest,  owed 
its  birth  to  the  Church  Freedman’s  Bureau.  It  was 
incorporated  in  1867,  and  opened  its  doors  in  1868, 
the  Rev.  J.  B.  Smith,  D.  D.,  being  Principal.  As 
soon  as  the  Civil  War  was  over,  the  need  for  teach- 
ers to  instruct  the  millions  of  freedmen  was  recog- 
nized, and  this  was  St.  Augustine’s  first  motive. 
As  in  the  case  of  Major  Cooke’s  School  in  Vir- 
ginia, the  need  for  clergymen  was  felt  in  North 
Carolina,  and  a theological  department  was  opened 
about  1875.  Here  were  trained  such  excellent  men 
as  Alston,  McDuffey,  Perry  and  Delany. 

From  the  beginning,  the  collegiate  department  has 
been  emphasized,  and  it  now  has  no  superior  among 
the  schools  for  Negroes  in  the  South.  All  depart- 
ments, however,  are  allied  with  the  industrial  and 
mechanical.  Several  of  the  school  buildings  are 
testimonials  of  the  skill  and  industry  of  the  students 
in  carpentry  and  masonry,  and  there  is  abundant 
witness  to  that  of  the  young  women  in  the  furnish- 
ing of  rooms,  hospital,  and  chapel,  and  in  the  mak- 
ing of  their  own  clothing.  There  are  110  acres 
occupied  by  the  school,  affording  both  recreational 
grounds  and  agricultural  training  in  intensive  farm- 
ing. St.  Agnes’  Hospital,  founded  in  1896  on  the 

153 


The  Education  of  the  Negro 

school  grounds,  has  long  established  its  reputation 
both  for  its  benefits  to  school  and  community  and 
as  a training  school  for  nurses.  From  sixty  to 
eighty  patients  from  the  two  Carolinas  are  generally 
in  the  wards,  and  thirty  nurses  continually  under 
training  in  a three  years’  course.* 

The  fruits  of  St.  Augustine’s  have  gone  forth 
to  nourish  the  Negroes  of  every  State  beyond  the 
seas  and  in  every  profession.  Clergymen,  trained 
in  this  school,  have  laid  the  foundations  of  negro 
parishes  and  missions  everywhere.  Teachers,  like 
Alfred  Griffin,  Professor  Atkins  of  the  A.  M.  E. 
Zion  Church,  Wm.  A.  Perry  of  our  St.  Athanasius’ 
School,  are  everywhere  multiplying  the  influence  of 
their  Alma  Mater  in  geometrical  ratio.  Young  men 
and  women  of  St.  Augustine’s,  wherever  met,  are 
holding  up  the  high  standard  which  made  them 
what  they  are.  Physicians,  like  young  Delany  of 
Raleigh  (son  of  Bishop  Delany),  nurses,  teachers, 
etc.,  have  gone  forth  steadily  from  the  student-body 
grown  from  the  three  of  twenty  years  ago  to  the 
nearly  five  hundred  of  today. 

St.  Paul’s  Normal  and  Industrial  School  at  Law- 
renceville,  Va.,  was  founded  in  1888  by  the  Rev. 
James  S.  Russell,  now  familiarly  known  to  the 
whole  Church  as  “Archdeacon  Russell.”  f Con- 
fidence was  soon  established,  the  school  increased, 
and  in  1888,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Saul,  of  Philadelphia, 
furnished  a building  adequate  for  the  needs  of  the 
time.  Mr.  Russell’s  ideals  enlarged  with  the  prog- 


*See  Appendix,  Note  A. 
tSee  Appendix,  Note  B. 


159 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


ress  of  his  work.  Property  was  secured  upon  other 
people’s  trust  in  the  integrity  of  the  hard-working 
young  clergyman;  for  there  was  no  money  as  yet, 
only  faith.  Gradual  extensions  were  made,  indus- 
tries were  introduced,  buildings  were  erected  by  the 
pupils,  and  the  farm  was  made  productive. 

Today  the  school  has  1,600  acres  and  40  build- 
ings, large  and  small,  three  of  which  are  permanent 
brick  structures.  The  brick  and  much  of  the  lum- 
ber are  products  of  the  school’s  lands  and  student- 
labor.  There  are  fifty  officers  and  teachers,  and 
quite  500  pupils  from  twenty-six  States,  as  well  as 
from  Cuba,  Porto  Rico,  Haiti,  Jamaica,  and  even 
Africa.  Fully  one-fifth  of  the  negro  clergy  have 
been  its  students.  It  has  sent  out  600  graduates, 
and  given  training  to  5,000  other  undergraduates. 

Doctor  Frissell  said  of  Brunswick  County  that 
St.  Paul’s  School  “has  well-nigh  revolutionized  it.” 
Literacy  has  risen  from  12  per  cent  to  75  per  cent. 
Moral  standards  have  advanced,  and  the  jail  is  de- 
serted. Industrial  standards  share  the  impetus,  and 
negro  farmers  occupy  their  own  homes  in  great 
numbers  in  the  two  contiguous  counties.  County 
school  houses  have  been  improved,  the  sessions 
lengthened,  and  local  self-taxation  enlarged;  while 
new  schools  have  risen  to  meet  the  increased  de- 
mand. The  missionary  spirit  of  St.  Paul’s  is  strong 
in  its  students.  Numerous  are  the  chapels  and 
schools  which  owe  their  existence  to  its  graduates. 
Doctor  Frissell’s  judgment  is  more  than  justified. 

The  Bishop  Payne  Divinity  School  at  Peters- 
burg, Va.,  incorporated  in  1884,  “had  its  origin  in 

160 


The  Education  of  the  Negro 

the  necessities  of  the  case,”  as  its  catalogue  an- 
nounces. It  grew  out  of  the  theological  department 
of  Major  Cooke’s  St.  Stephen’s  Normal  School. 
Doctor  Spencer,  the  first  teacher,  was  appointed 
and  supported  by  the  Trustees  of  the  Virginia 
Seminary.  The  school  is  finely  located  and  has  five 
good  buildings,  including  a beautiful  chapel  re- 
cently completed,  and  maintains  the  same  standard 
that  other  such  schools  have  attained.  The  late 
Rev.  C.  Braxton  Bryan,  D.  D.,  member  of  an  old 
and  distinguished  Virginia  family,  was  its  Dean 
from  the  beginning.  Examining  chaplains  find  the 
graduates  fully  up  to  those  from  any  of  our  Semi- 
naries. The  happy  combination  of  able  white  pro- 
fessors with  the  splendidly  trained  and  equipped 
negro  warden,  the  Rev.  Samuel  W.  Grice,  and  the 
close  association  between  the  faculty  and  the 
students,  make  an  ideal  atmosphere  for  the  highest 
and  holiest  results.  The  students  have  further 
training  in  life-work  through  their  missionary  activ- 
ities in  and  around  Petersburg. 

Statistics  of  the  school  show  that  92  students 
prepared  there  have  been  ordained  to  our  Ministry ; 
16  of  these  have  died  in  Orders;  76  of  the  Alumni 
are  now  in  Orders.  If  you  will  add  the  two  latter 
figures,  you  will  find  that  every  one  of  the  ninety- 
two  men  prepared  at  Payne  Divinity  is  honorably 
accounted  for.  Not  one  has,  so  far,  put  his  hand 
to  the  plow  and  turned  backward.  These  statistics 
do  not  take  account  of  a considerable  number  who 
studied  at  the  school,  but  for  one  reason  or  another 
were  not  ordained.  The  ten  students  this  year  in 

161 


li 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


attendance  are  from  ten  Dioceses.  Of  these  “three 
students  served  in  France  during  the  war,  two  of 
them  were  lieutenants  in  the  Army,  one  was  in  the 

Navy Two  of  our  Alumni  have  been 

elected  to  the  Episcopate,  the  Rev.  James  S.  Rus- 
sell, D.  D.,  of  St.  Paul’s  School,  Lawrenceville,  and 
the  Rev.  Samuel  W.  Grice,  B.  D.,  Warden.  Both 
declined  the  honor  in  order  to  continue  their  work 
in  these  important  schools.”  Who  will  undertake 
to  measure  the  value  of  the  investment  in  human 
life  represented  in  the  Bishop  Payne  Divinity 
School? 

By  1910,  the  strong,  wise  direction  of  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Bishop  had  so  impressed  the  Church  and  made 
friends  for  the  great  cause  which  he  advocated,  that 
the  American  Church  Institute  felt  itself  strong 
enough  to  add  three  other  schools  to  those  under 
its  patronage.  Concerning  them,  Mr.  Bishop  wrote 
as  follows  in  announcing  their  acceptance : “They 
are  located  in  Georgia,  Alabama,  and  Mississippi, 
where  the  need  of  effective  work  by  our  Church  is 
greatest;  and,  notwithstanding  pitifully  small  re- 
sources, they  have  done  work  of  which  the  Church 
may  well  be  proud.”  We  review  them  briefly. 

St.  Athanasius’,  Brunswick,  Ga.,  began  its  exis- 
tence as  a parochial  school  in  1884.  In  1889,  it  was 
made  a diocesan  school.  In  1910  a charter  was 
obtained,  and  St.  Athanasius’  became  a Church  In- 
stitute School.  Mr.  William  Augustus  Perry,  son 
of  the  rector  of  St.  Mark’s  Church,  Tarboro,  N. 
C.,  and  a teacher  in  his  father’s  school,  was  called 
to  be  Principal.  Mr.  Perry  is  a graduate  of  St. 

162 


The  Education  of  the  Negro 


Augustine's,  Raleigh,  and  a B.  A.  of  Yale  Uni- 
versity. His  purpose  for  the  school  was  uncon- 
sciously expressed  in  this  extract  from  a letter  to 
Mr.  Bishop : “I  find  myself  arriving  nearer  and 
nearer  to  the  conclusion  that  all  unhappiness,  all 
failures,  all  sins,  are  the  result  of  ignorance  some- 
where— ignorance  of  self,  ignorance  of  other  people, 
ignorance  of  nature,  ignorance  of  God.  My  peo- 
ple are  accused  of  general  incompetency,  lack  of 
skill,  lack  of  finish ; and  to  a certain  degree,  justly 
so.  The  cause  of  it  all  is  that  we  do  not  get  the 
thoroughness  of  preparation  which  we  ought  to 
have,  and  too  much  is  expected  of  us  with  such  poor 
fundamental  training.  . . . The  standards  are 

not  too  high  nor  the  pace  too  great  per  se.  What 
we  want,  what  we  need,  and  what  we  must  have, 
is  more  system,  more  definiteness,  and  greater  thor- 
oughness in  our  early  training If  we 

get,  in  our  youth,  the  thoroughness  of  training  which 
the  Church  can  give,  we  will  shake  off  the  stigma 
of  inefficiency  and  superficiality.”  This  has  been 
his  consistent  effort  throughout  his  eleven  years  of 
administration,  and  with  marked  success,  as  a visit 
to  the  school  reveals. 

The  growth  has  been  steady;  and  the  attendance 
here,  as  in  every  one  of  our  schools,  fully  taxes  the 
capacity  of  the  buildings.  Industries  are  taught  to 
both  boys  and  girls,  which  minister  to  the  needs 
of  the  community.  The  daily  chapel,  with  instruc- 
tion and  lectures,  make  the  spirit  of  the  school- 
family. 


163 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


St.  Mark’s  School,  Birmingham,  Ala.,  was  opened 
about  twenty-six  years  ago  in  a rented  room,  with 
eight  pupils.  A lay-reader,  C.  V.  Augustine,  was 
teacher,  and  the  mission  was  directed  by  the  Rev. 
J.  A.  Van  Hoose,  of  Alabama,  a perpetual  deacon 
whose  enthusiasm  and  earnestness  and  great  busi- 
ness ability  have  been  the  chief  assets  of  the  grow- 
ing enterprise.  A handsome  building,  now  very 
valuable,  is  the  present  home  of  the  school.  During 
these  years,  the  Negroes  have  contributed  over 
$25,000  in  fees  and  otherwise  to  its  operation.  In 
its  curriculum,  the  school  correlates  literary,  indus- 
trial, and  religious  education.  The  story  of  its 
graduates,  too  long  to  tell  here,  forms  an  interesting 
exhibit  of  splendid  influence  traveling  to  remotest 
country  neighborhoods  as  well  as  to  city  homes  and 
shops  and  offices.  Plans  for  the  enlargement  of 
the  scope  of  the  work  are  in  the  making.  The  Rev. 
C.  W.  Brooks,  a native  of  Baltimore  and,  for 
twenty-two  years,  Principal,  is  a graduate  of  Ho- 
ward University  and  King  Hall.  He  has  devoted 
his  entire  life  to  this  splendid  school. 

The  Vicksburg  Industrial  School,  Miss.,  began  as 
a parochial  school  during  Bishop  Thompson’s  later 
years,  under  the  two  Middletons,  father  and  son, 
who  were  successively  rectors  of  St.  Mary’s,  Vicks- 
burg. A suitable  property  was  bought  in  1907, 
when  the  St.  Mary’s  School  became  twice  as  large. 
Upon  reorganization,  its  name  was  changed,  and 
industries  suited  to  community  life  were  introduced. 
Archdeacon  R.  T.  Middleton,  a rare  soul,  gentle 
and  strong  and  modest,  was  the  pervading  spirit 

164 


The  Education  of  the  Negro 


whose  influence,  to  the  day  of  his  death  in  August, 
1921,  was  powerful  over  the  two  hundred  and  more 
young  pupils  who  annually  attended.  Here,  as 
everywhere,  the  school  has  won  the  confidence  of 
both  races,  and  its  graduates  are  generally  making 
good  everywhere  from  the  Gulf  to  the  Lakes.  The 
School  has  its  own  Principal,  but  the  rector  of  St. 
Mary's,  now  the  Rev.  S.  A.  Morgan,  is  also  rector 
of  the  school,  and  in  charge  of  religious  instruction. 

The  Fort  Valley  High  and  Industrial  School, 
Georgia,  accepted  by  Bishop  Nelson  of  Atlanta,  and 
helped  by  the  Institute  in  1912,  was  finally  incor- 
porated as  an  Institute  School  in  1919.  It  had  its 
beginnings  some  thirty  years  ago.  Its  new  life  upon 
its  present  broad  foundations  is  the  result  of  the 
consecrated  wisdom  of  a Negro  layman  and  his 
wife,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  H.  A.  Hunt.  They  are  both 
thoroughly  practical  and  constructive  teachers,  who 
know  how  to  relate  the  theory  of  books  to  the  prac- 
tice of  industry.  Fort  Valley  is  the  strategic  negro 
school  of  Georgia,  both  because  of  its  central  loca- 
tion and  because  of  its  good  plant  and  its  unex- 
celled history  of  success.  The  Principal  is  an 
authority  on  the  sort  of  education  which  Fort  Val- 
ley illustrates  as  no  other  can  in  that  neighborhood. 
His  work  is  of  high  value  in  community  and  State, 
as  through  institutes  and  conferences  he  dissem- 
inates his  tested  and  approved  methods.  It  would 
be  invidious  to  select  any  one  avenue  of  excellence 
to  illustrate  the  work  of  Fort  Valley,  where  all 
attain  so  high  an  average.  Thus  guarded,  it  may 
be  proper  to  say  that  the  contribution  to  the  rural 

165 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


schools  made  through  graduates  equipped  to  meet 
rural  problems,  alone  justifies  every  dollar  of  an- 
nual expenditures. 

In  1914,  the  Rev.  Samuel  H.  Bishop,  General 
Agent  of  the  Institute,  died.  His  genius  as  a con- 
structive critic  had  worked  wonders  in  the  improved 
standard  of  all  the  schools.  The  Rev.  Robert  W. 
Patton,  D.  D.,  succeeded  him,  bringing  to  the  task 
other  and  equally  valuable  gifts,  and  the  Institute 
has  gone  steadily  forward  in  building  upon  the  now 
well-established  foundations. 

Heretofore,  the  absorbing  purpose  of  the  Insti- 
tute has  been  to  establish  the  character  of  the 
schools;  not  so  much  to  produce  uniformity  as  to 
encourage  and  to  strengthen  the  individual  char- 
acteristics of  each,  while  developing  an  “Institute 
character'’  in  all  alike.  This  had  been  well  accomp- 
lished by  Mr.  Bishop.  The  Institute  could  now 
look  out  with  confidence  upon  the  mission  of  the 
schools  to  the  life  of  their  constituencies.  The 
supreme  need  of  the  time  was,  and  is,  for  teachers 
properly  equipped  and  with  adequate  development 
in  Christian  character  to  be  the  builders  of  others. 
So  the  schools  have  been  impressed  with  this  great 
motive  to  which  the  broad  culture  of  class-room 
work,  domestic  trade,  and  agricultural  training  all 
contribute,  to  the  great  advantage  of  the  teacher. 
The  word  “teacher,”  as  here  used,  comprehends  all 
callings,  from  pulpit  to  farm,  through  which  others 
may  be  guided.  At  the  same  time  special  care  is 
taken  to  train  teachers,  technically  so  called,  for 
service  in  schools  both  public  and  private. 

166 


The  Education  of  the  Negro 

In  1914,  St.  Paul’s  School,  Atlanta,  was  added 
to  the  list  of  Institute  Schools.  But  in  1916,  a dis- 
astrous fire  carried  the  building  away,  along  with 
many  city  blocks. 

In  1920,  the  Okolona  Industrial  School,  Missis- 
sippi, and  the  Gaudet  Industrial  School  near  New 
Orleans,  applied  for  admission  among  those  under 
the  Church  Institute.  The  Okolona  School  was 
accepted  by  the  Diocese  of  Mississippi  and  by  the 
Institute,  and  began  life  under  the  new  relation, 
January  1,  1921.  Its  founder  and  strong  admin- 
istrator ever  since,  is  President  Wallace  A.  Battle, 
one  of  the  foremost  Negroes  of  his  native  and 
adopted  States,  Alabama  and  Louisiana,  a Negro 
of  the  Negroes.  Plis  father  was  a landowner,  and 
on  the  farm  young  Battle  won  the  title,  “the  hard- 
est worker  on  Cowikee  River.’’  He  attended  Tal- 
ladega College,  Alabama;  and,  still  later,  Berea 
College,  Kentucky,  where  he  graduated,  with  the 
B.  .A-  degree.  Summer  courses  in  Agricultural  Col- 
leges in  Illinois,  and  in  the  University  of  Wisconsin, 
further  fitted  him  for  his  chosen  life-work. 

“It  was  at  Talladega,”  he  wrote,  “ten  years 
before  Okolona  was  founded  that  I resolved  that 
there  would  be  an  industrial  school  with  high  stand- 
ards in  the  most  needy  State  in  the  Union,  if  the 
Lord  would  give  me  strength  to  finish.  I kept  my 
vow,  and  Okolona  is  the  result.”  Nothing  has  ever 
been  able  to  tempt  him  from  this  child  of  his  con- 
secrated love.  In  the  most  lean  and  trying  years, 
he  declined  the  Presidency  of  Alcorn,  the  State 
Agricultural  College  for  Negroes,  and  other  flatter- 

167 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


ing  offers.  Through  all,  and  from  the  beginning, 
among  white  friends,  two  stand  out  as  unfailing 
sympathizers — The  Hon.  Benjamin  J.  Abbott,  an 
old  Confederate  veteran,  after  whom  the  first  large 
permanent  building  is  named ; and  Capt.  A.  T.  Sto- 
vall, a distinguished  lawyer,  and  son  of  another 
old  Confederate  officer.  There  was  prejudice  to 
be  overcome  and  these  two  were  friends  at  home 
to  keep  watch  as  fathers  while  the  infant  enterprise 
proved  its  right  to  live.  A disastrous  fire  soon 
swept  away  the  first  building.  Capt.  Stovall  sought 
home-aid  to  replace  it.  Prejudice  was  not  yet  dead. 
Approaching  a group  he  asked  aid.  Quickly  the 
response  came  from  one,  a stammerer,  “I  will 
g-g-give  you  a h-h-h-hundred  dollars  to  b-b-blow  the 

d d thing  up.”  Many  responded  in  better  kind, 

the  building  was  restored  and  the  stammering 
friend,  now  a staunch  supporter  as  everybody  is, 
told  this  anecdote  on  himself  at  the  last  Commence- 
ment with  the  announcement  that  Battle’s  School 
had  converted  him  completely,  and  that  it  had  no 
warmer  friend  than  himself. 

There  are  four  hundred  acres  of  fertile  prairie 
land  bordering  the  town,  which,  with  the  buildings, 
is  worth  quite  $180,000.  The  farm  was  the  best 
in  the  State  during  the  year  1921.  The  work  done 
is  similar  to  that  at  Fort  Valley.  The  industries 
are  adapted  to  its  prairie  home.  Its  graduates  pre- 
pared for  teaching  are  accorded  the  Teachers’  Cer- 
tificate of  the  State,  and  places  are  always  ready 
for  them.  Many  choose  agricultural  and  industrial 
pursuits. 


168 


The  Education  of  the  Negro 


The  Gaudet  Normal  and  Industrial  School,  named 
for  its  founder,  was  tendered  to  Bishop  Sessums 
of  Louisiana,  and  accepted  by  the  Diocese  and  by 
the  Church  Institute,  between  1920  and  1921.  Mrs. 
Francis  Joseph  Gaudet  was  led  to  found  the  school 
through  the  tragedies  witnessed  in  her  long  and 
remarkable  work  in  the  interest  of  prison  reform. 
Little  children  of  her  race,  the  offspring  of  crim- 
inals, were  often  committed  to  prison  because  the 
State  had  no  other  provision  for  them.  Their 
morals  were  early  corrupted  in  such  surroundings. 
Mrs.  Gaudet  championed  their  cause,  and  the  story 
of  her  fight  for  reform  is  one  of  the  heroic  romances 
of  modern  times.  She  brought  the  matter  before 
the  Prison  Reform  Association  who  represented  her 
cause  to  the  authorities. 

“We  cannot  change  conditions;  we  have  no 
monev,”  was  the  answer. 

“I  vowed,”  she  said,  “that  I would  build  the 
home  and  school  for  these  neglected  ones  if  God 
would  help  me.” 

Shortly  after  this  event,  she  was  appointed  to 
represent  the  Woman’s  Temperance  Union  in  their 
International  Convention  at  Edinburgh,  Scotland. 
Hoping  to  further  the  cause  of  the  Home  and 
School,  she  accepted,  mortgaged  her  home  for  the 
money  needed  for  the  journey,  and  set  forth  upon 
her  double  mission,  determined  to  suffer  any  priva- 
tions needful  to  fulfill  her  mission.  After  the  close 
of  the  Convention,  Lady  Henry  Somerset,  President 
of  the  Temperance  Union,  kept  Mrs.  Gaudet  busy 
upon  a lecture  tour  in  Europe  for  six  months.  She 

169 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


returned  to  New  Orleans  with  about  $1,000  towards 
the  Home  and  School.  Soon  a suitable  site  was 
found  upon  the  outskirts  of  the  city,  and  a first 
payment  made.  The  farm  of  105  acres  now  has 
three  main  buildings,  a barn  and  other  small  indus- 
trial houses,  and  a beautiful  campus,  shaded  with 
pecans  and  adorned  with  shrubs. 

“Through  God’s  agents,’’  wrote  Mrs.  Gaudet, 
“the  buildings  are  furnished  throughout,  even  to 
an  ice  pick.  The  whole  plant  is  worth  about 
$100,000.  I place  this  plant  in  the  hands  of  the 
Episcopal  Church  in  the  Diocese  of  Bishop  Davis 
Sessums.” 

At  present  the  classes  run  through  the  8th  grade. 
“We  teach  also  domestic  art,  mattress  making, 
chair  caneing,  practical  truck  farming  under  an  ex- 
perienced truck  gardener,  and  the  rudiments  of  car- 
pentry. We  have  a well  equipped  blacksmith  shop, 
but  haven’t  the  funds  to  supply  a smith  to  teach 
the  boys.  We  have  at  present  (1922)  eighty  chil- 
dren, boys  and  girls,  a majority  of  them  orphans. 
I would  give  every  child  a good  school  education 
with  manual  training,  and  compel  each  to  learn  a 
trade,  for  I have  observed  in  my  travels  through 
the  State  prisons  that  fully  90%  of  the  prisoners 
have  no  trade.  People  who  have  trades  are  too 
busy  earning  a living  to  get  in  trouble.”. 

Two  other  schools — St.  Mary’s,  Columbia,  S.  C., 
and  Hoffman-St.  Mary’s,  Keeling,  Tenn. — are  as- 
sisted by  the  Church  Institute,  and  will  doubtless 
develop,  in  time,  as  have  those  here  briefly  described, 
when  the  forward  movement  of  the  Church  fully 

170 


The  Education  of  the  Negro 

reaches  them.  Of  St.  Mary’s,  Bishop  Guerry 
writes:  “Out  of  it  is  expected  to  come  a diocesan 
school  at  the  close  of  the  Nation-Wide  Campaign 
for  the  Church’s  Mission.”  Hoffman-St.  Mary’s 
has  a rural  setting  ready  to  be  developed  in  order 
that  it  may  minister  to  the  great  negro  population 
in  the  Mississippi  Valley  of  Tennessee.  These  are 
two  golden  opportunities  for  the  Church. 

In  January,  1922,  comes  news  of  the  adoption 
of  St.  Philip’s  School,  San  Antonio,  Texas,  by  the 
Province  of  the  Southwest,  this  being  the  only 
school  for  Negroes  in  that  Province.  Bishop  Cap- 
ers of  West  Texas  writes:  “I  have  asked  the 
Church  Institute  to  include  this  school  within  the 
selected  number  of  southern  negro  schools  that  it 
fosters.  The  purpose  of  St.  Philip’s  is  to  educate 
young  negro  women  in  practical  learning,  domestic 
science,  etc.” 

Every  one  of  our  schools,  whether  parochial  or 
affiliated  with  the  Institute,  is  crowded.  With  dou- 
ble the  equipment  the  attendance  would  at  once  be 
doubled.  There  are  nine  million  Negroes  in  the 
South.  If  an  estimate  may  fairly  be  based  upon 
the  facts  known  regarding  a half-dozen  cities  in  two 
States,  then  quite  one-fifth  of  the  children  have  no 
room  provided  for  them  at  all.  If  the  overcrowded 
condition  were  relieved,  another  one-fifth  would 
have  to  be  provided  for.  The  Church  could  quad- 
ruple its  parochial-school  equipment  and  still  be 
unable  to  meet  the  demands. 

In  our  Church  Institute  Schools,  we  are  dealing 
with  the  smaller  class  who  are  able  to  go,  some 

171 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


of  them  much  beyond  the  common  schools,  and 
others  to  the  College  course,  and  still  others  to  the 
University.  From  them  must  come  the  teachers, 
preachers  and  leaders.  In  most  of  our  States,  from 
twenty  to  thirty  per  cent  of  the  teachers  are  not 
properly  equipped.  Here  again,  to  supply  the  de- 
mand for  good  teachers  alone,  not  to  mention  the 
ministers  and  other  “learned  professions,”  we 
should  quadruple  our  present  provisions.  For  we 
must  remember  that  schools  of  the  character  of 
ours  are  few  indeed.  If  this  does  not  constitute  a 
clear  call  to  service,  what  indeed  does? 


172 


Chapter  VII 


THE  CHRISTIAN  DEVELOPMENT  OF 
THE  NEGRO  IN  AMERICA 

F.  approaching  the  evangelization  of  the  Negro  in 
America  it  is  necessary  to  go  back  to  the  primi- 
tive days  of  the  colonists  in  order  to  picture  the 
scene  at  the  beginning. 

Whether  in  the  villages  or  on  the  plantations,  the 
large  majority  of  slaveholders  felt  a genuine  com- 
passion and  an  honorable  responsibility  for  the 
helpless  human  beings  brought  under  their  care. 
They  felt  also  an  equal  helplessness  in  the  higher 
realms  of  guidance  of  the  people  who  must  yet  learn 
the  language  of  common  intercourse.  The  con- 
stantly increasing  importations  introduced  a mass 
of  unacclimated  humanity  which,  as  constantly, 
postponed  the  day  of  this  common  language  and 
common  intercourse.  The  America  of  today  knows 
something  of  the  difficulties  attending  a too  rapid 
immigration.  But  this  modern  problem  pales  be- 
fore that  of  the  primitive  era  of  the  colonies,  which, 
beset  by  the  new  problems  of  new  surroundings, 
must  yet  meet  those  of  their  composite  social  life 
within.  The  slave-master  looked  out  upon  the 
negro  race,  after  a few  years,  in  its  varying  stages 
from  the  newly-arrived  slave  to  the  domesticated 
servant,  and  saw  manifest  racial  inferiority  in  every 

173 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 

capacity  through  which  he  habitually  measured 
worth. 

The  white  settlers  of  America  were  distinctly 
Christian,  though  their  religion  was  of  widely  dif- 
fering brands.  What  were  they  to  do  as  they  faced 
the  new  problem  of  composite  life?  They  did 
exactly  that  which  was  natural  and  normal  to  their 
varied  religious  principles.  Those  who  were  enough 
of  Christians  to  realize  religion  as  a paramount 
duty,  at  once  began  to  associate  the  heathen  Negro 
with  their  own  Christian  faith.  At  first,  this  was 
through  the  family  or  neighborhood  services,  prayer 
meetings,  Sunday  schools  and  the  like.  By  and  by, 
as  life  became  more  organized,  churches  were  built, 
and  the  slave  worshipped  in  his  master’s  church, 
and  was  taught  by  his  master’s  pastor.  In  many 
cases,  the  mistress  and  her  daughters  were  his  Sun- 
day school  teachers.  In  time,  plantation  churches 
were  erected  primarily  for  the  Negroes,  though 
generally  attended  by  the  Whites. 

In  this  natural  way,  the  Whites  sought  to  main- 
tain and  perpetuate  their  own  Christian  culture,  and 
to  impart  it  to  their  negro  families  in  such  meas- 
ure as  the  latter  could  receive  it.  It  was  difficult 
enough  at  best,  where  preachers  and  teachers  were 
few,  and  where  the  struggle  for  a firm  foothold,  in 
a new  land,  was  apt  to  develop  the  selfish  and  the 
sordid  in  human  nature.  It  was  increasingly  diffi- 
cult as  the  age  of  the  deists  and  agnostics  grew 
older  and  more  aggressive  under  foreign  and 
American  leadership.  It  had  its  baneful  effect  upon 
the  Christianizing  of  the  Negro  in  producing  that 

174 


Christian  Development  of  the  Negro 

inexcusable  variety  of  agnosticism  which  declines 
to  see  God’s  image  in  His  black  children. 

Thus  naturally,  yet  under  great  difficulties,  did 
the  Christianizing  of  the  Negro  proceed  until  the 
last  years  of  the  seventeenth  century,  when  recorded 
efforts  become  more  frequent. 

Prior  to  1700,  the  Bishop  of  London,  in  charge 
of  the  Church  of  England  in  the  Colonies,  had 
attempted  to  supply  the  people  with  pastors,  send- 
ing one  or  more  commissaries ; but  these  efforts 
had  been  only  very  partially  successful. 

Miss  Helm,  in  The  Upward  Path,  writes : “The 
first  organized  effort  to  give  Gospel  instruction  to 
the  Negroes  in  the  American  Colonies,  wras  made 
in  1701  by  the  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the 
Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts,  a Church  of  England 
society,  incorporated  under  William  III.  The  first 
missionary,  the  Rev.  Samuel  Thomas,  began  work- 
in  South  Carolina,  where  he  and  his  successors  met 
with  ‘the  ready  good  will  of  the  masters,  though 
much  discouragement  was  felt  because  of  the  diffi- 
culties of  the  task,  not  many  of  the  Negroes  under- 
standing the  English  tongue.’  The  zeal  of  the 
Society  and  its  missionaries  increased,  and  in  less 
than  forty  years  the  report  was  made  of  a ‘great 
multitude  of  Indians  and  Negroes  brought  over  to 
the  Christian  Faith’  in  different  parts  of  the  coun- 
try ; and,  later,  of  a flourishing  school  at  Charleston 
sending  out  annually  about  twenty  young  Negroes 
well  instructed  in  English  and  the  Christian  Faith.” 
Thus  the  work  of  the  Church  among  the  Negroes 
in  America  owes  its  organization  to  the  S.  P.  G. 

175 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


Before  entering  upon  the  missions  of  our  own 
Church,  a general  view  of  the  Christian  efforts  made 
will  be  helpful. 

The  reports  made  in  1724  to  the  English  Bishops 
by  the  Virginia  parish  ministers,  are  evidence  that 
a few  free  Negroes  in  the  parishes  were  permitted 
to  be  baptized,  and  were  received  into  the  Church 
when  they  had  been  taught  the  Catechism.  This 
statement  is  equally  true  of  the  slaves.  And  what 
is  true  of  the  Episcopal  Church  is  equally  true  of 
the  Presbyterian.  In  all  cases,  the  earlier  converts 
were  members  of  the  white  Churches.  Indeed,  in 
the  early  days,  separate  churches  for  Negroes  were 
never  contemplated. 

The  Presbyterian  mission  was  begun  about  1747 
at  Hanover,  Va.,  with  immediate  success.  Other 
missions  were  established,  and  many  godly  men  de- 
voted their  time  to  work  among  the  slaves  both  in 
the  towns  and  on  the  plantations.  In  the  Carolina 
colonies  the  same  zeal  was  manifested,  though  for 
the  most  part  the  members  of  this  Church  dwelt 
in  the  upper  counties  where  slaves  were  not  so 
numerous.  This,  however,  presented  the  occasion 
of  even  closer  religious  relations.  There  are  no 
accurate  statistics  of  converts  at  hand. 

A little  later  came  the  activities  of  the  Baptists 
and  the  Methodists,  which  ultimately  swept  into 
their  various  folds  the  vast  bulk  of  the  race.  The 
Baptists,  under  their  policy  in  which  each  congrega- 
tion is  a Church  in  itself,  established  negro  churches 
in  Georgia  and  Virginia  as  early  as  1775.  In  1793, 
the  denomination,  in  its  several  branches,  numbered 

176 


Christian  Development  of  tl\e  Negro 


about  18,000,  and  grew  rapidly  during  the  succeed- 
ing years.  In  1860,  there  were  about  400,000  negro 
Baptists,  not  including  children  and  adherents  under 
instruction  which  would  probably  run  the  total  to 
more  than  a million. 

The  Methodists  began  work  with  characteristic 
fervor  about  1770,  and  some  twenty  years  later 
counted  more  than  12,000  negro  members,  all  con- 
nected with  the  white  congregations.  In  1860  this 
number  was  increased  to  207,776  or,  including  ad- 
herents, about  a half  million  souls.  The  anti- 
slavery movements,  which  more  and  more  estranged 
the  Methodists,  North  and  South,  during  the  years 
1820  to  1844,  retarded  for  a time  their  work  among 
the  Negroes,  but  with  the  division,  in  1844,  into 
Northern  and  Southern  denominations,  renewed 
activity  was  attended  with  great  success. 

Dr.  Phillips  in  his  American  Slavery  says : “The 
Churches  which  had  the  greatest  influence  upon  the 
Negroes  were  those  which  relied  least  upon  ritual 
and  most  upon  exhilaration.”  It  is  true  that  the 
straightness  and  suppression  of  form  rigidly  applied 
to  a people  whose  chief  mode  of  expressing  both 
social  and  religious  emotions  had  for  centuries,  been 
through  dancing  and  folk  songs,  was  a transition 
too  radical  and  rapid  to  be  widely  accepted  and  ab- 
sorbed; but  certainly  the  forms  of  worship  had  their 
lessons.  A wise  use  of  both  liturgical  and  extem- 
poraneous services  would  probably  have  produced 
better  results.  The  Methodists  would  probably  have 
made  better  Christians,  and  the  Episcopalians  more, 
had  each  combined  the  methods  of  both. 

177 


12 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


When  education  in  the  South  was  prescribed,  the 
free,  unliturgical  services  undoubtedly  influenced  a 
far  greater  number  than  could  be  reached  by  any 
other  means. 

The  moral  training  of  the  people  was  a matter 
of  the  most  vital  importance.  Infractions  there 
were  unquestionably,  many  of  them,  and  worse  than 
no  help  from  some  of  the  Whites;  but  the  Church’s 
steady  voice  and  practice  were  powerful  aids  to  the 
Negroes,  and  no  less  powerful  restraints  to  the 
Whites.  Admixtures  were  common  enough,  and 
would  doubtless  have  increased  had  the  old  regime 
held;  but  the  vaster  commingling  which  took  place 
during  the  four  years  of  war  in  the  slave  territory, 
was  one  of  the  tragedies  of  the  war. 

On  plantations  belonging  to  earnest  Christians, 
the  sanctity  of  the  marriage  and  of  family  relations 
was  emphasized.  It  was  not  the  exception  but  the 
rule,  in  such  families,  that  all  marriages  were  prop- 
erly solemnized;  and,  in  the  case  of  domestic  ser- 
vants, the  mistress  or  her  daughters  arrayed  the 
bride,  and  the  pastor  or  plantation  preacher  offi- 
ciated at  the  wedding  in  the  church  or  in  the  “Big 
House”  parlor. 

Every  law  of  Church  and  State  was  conformed 
to,  and  repeated  efforts  were  made  by  the  Church 
to  have  everybody  thus  conform.* 

Pastoral  relations  were  attended  with  their  diffi- 
culties in  the  city  missions.  The  Rev.  Paul  Trapier 
writes  in  1850:  “The  minister  has  still  to  lament 


’For  a full  discussion  of  this  matter,  see  the  Report  of  a Committee 
of  the  Diocese  of  South  Carolina,  1859. 

178 


Christian  Development  of  the  Negro 

that  he  can  come  so  little  in  contact,  pastorally,  with 
his  people,  owing  to  the  peculiar  nature  of  their 
employment  in  the  week  and  on  Sunday.  He  fain 
would  urge  upon  owners  the  obligation  of  so 
arranging  their  domestic  affairs  as  to  afford  to  their 
servants  more  opportunity  for  attendance  in  the 
Lord’s  House  and  on  the  Lord’s  Day.  He  can 
seldom  see  them  during  the  week  unless  they  are 
sick,  nor  then  except  in  cases  where  he  feels  at  lib- 
erty to  go  into  the  yards  of  their  owners  for  that 
purpose.  It  gives  him  pleasure,  however,  to  say 
that,  wherever  he  has  so  presumed,  his  reception 
has  been  respectful  and  kind,  encouraging  him  to 
ask  the  same  liberty  more  generally.” 

When  one  considers  the  conditions  under  which 
the  missions  among  the  Negroes  had  to  grow,  the 
results  were  far  more  due  to  the  grace  and  mercy 
of  God  than  to  the  wisdom  of  men.  This  is  said, 
not  in  detraction  of  the  devotion  of  the  men  and 
women  of  all  denominations  who,  conforming  to 
the  conditions  which  perforce  robbed  them  of  their 
full  half-share,  wrought  their  best  under  them  as 
co-partners  with  God. 

There  was  the  ever-recurring  repression  by  sus- 
picidus  politicians,  who  feared  that  religious  free- 
dom might  break  down  the  barriers  which  secured 
the  abnormal  social  conditions  of  slavery,  often  re- 
sulting in  suppression  of  the  gathering  of  Negroes 
for  any  purpose.  There  was  the  bar  of  illiteracy, 
where  knowledge  without  book-learning,  in  an  era 
of  books,  was  sought.  There  was  the  exaction  of 
moral  standards,  with  home  conditions  conducive 

179 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


to  none  but  low  ideals.  There  was  the  spiritual 
culture  of  the  racial  tree,  with  no  expectation,  for 
that  era  certainly,  of  its  full  fruit-bearing  in  racial 
pastors  and  leaders.  There  was  the  agnostic  scien- 
tists and  their  satellites  with  the  infallible  dictum, 
“the  Negro  has  no  soul,”  to  be  grasped  at  by  the 
selfish  materialist  as  excuse  both  for  declining  re- 
ligious culture  and  for  abusive  treatment  of  de- 
fenseless slaves.  These,  and  more  besides,  made 
the  conditions  under  which  evangelization  in  the 
South  was  prosecuted.  And  in  the  North,  for  rea- 
sons both  like  and  unlike  these,  there  were  the  same 
repressions  and  far  more  of  prejudice,  driving  the 
Negroes  into  independent  organizations  so  soon  as 
law  and  popular  approval  would  permit. 

Under  these  conditions,  it  would  have  been  sur- 
prising indeed  if  a host  of  notable  examples  of 
godly  leaders  had  arisen.  Nevertheless,  God  did 
raise  up  examples,  in  every  degree  of  advancement 
possible  to  them,  as  illustrations  of  what  the  Negro 
would  be  capable  of  under  less  fettered  conditions.* 

It  is  not  easy  to  follow  the  growth  of  the  work 
of  the  Episcopal  Church,  for  it  is  amazing  to  see 
how  indifferent  our  forefathers  were,  and  we  are, 
to  the  accuracy  of  record  of  activities.  In  the  be- 
ginning of  the  eighteenth  century,  there  seem  to  have 
been  no  records  at  all  in  many  of  the  communities, 
beyond  such  a general  statement  as  this : “I  have 
continued  to  instruct  the  Negroes  of  two  planta- 
tions, and  from  the  good  evidently  derived  from 
such  labors  I am  induced  to  wish  that  I may  be 


*See  Appendix,  Note  C. 


180 


Christian  Development  of  the  Negro 

enabled  to  extend  my  efforts  to  a much  larger  num- 
ber of  the  same  people.” 

Mr.  Bishop,  late  Secretary  of  the  American 
Church  Institute  for  Negroes,  mentions  seeing,  in 
the  register  of  the  old  Bruton  Parish,  thirty-three 
pages  consecutively  devoted  to  the  entry  of  the 
baptisms  of  negro  servants  and  children,  extending 
from  1746  to  1797,  and  containing  1122  names. 
Numerous  were  the  reports  made  to  the  Bishop  of 
London  by  the  missionaries  from  the  mother 
Church,  of  the  careful  instruction  of  the  servants, 
and  of  the  care  of  the  owners  to  bring  them  to 
baptism.  There  being  no  Bishops,  of  course  con- 
firmation was  not  in  view.  Both  white  and  colored 
were  admitted  to  the  Holy  Communion  at  the  dis- 
cretion of  their  rectors.  What  was  true  of  Bruton 
Parish  is  more  or  less  true  of  the  parishes  of  the 
Colonies  from  Maryland  to  the  Carolinas  and 
Georgia. 

Naturally  the  first  separate  congregations  were 
formed  in  the  northern  Colonies.  Dr.  Bragg  of 
Baltimore  gives  an  interesting  account  of  the  or- 
ganization, in  1791,  of  the  first  congregation  of 
Negroes — St.  Thomas’  Parish,  Philadelphia — and 
of  other  parishes  elsewhere.  The  white  Methodists 
of  that  city,  objecting  to  the  intermingling  of  the 
races  in  their  Church  of  St.  George’s,  set  the 
Negroes  apart.  The  latter  withdrew  in  1787,  and 
formed  a Benevolent  Society  of  Negroes,  which 
prospered.  In  1791,  the  Society  desiring  to  become 
a Church,  bought  a lot,  erected  a building  which 
they  called  after  St.  Thomas,  and,  by  an  almost 

181 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


unanimous  ballot,  voted  itself  into  the  Episcopal 
Church  upon  three  conditions  named  in  their  peti- 
tion to  Bishop  White.  These  were : first,  that  they 
should  be  received  as  a body;  secondly,  that  they 
should  forever  have  local  self-control;  and  thirdly, 
that  one  of  their  number  should  be  chosen  as  lay- 
reader  and,  if  found  worthy,  be  regularly  ordained 
as  their  minister.  Bishop  White  accepted  the  con- 
ditions, and  on  July  17,  1794,  St.  Thomas’  Church 
was  formally  opened  for  Services.  Absalom  Jones 
was  chosen  for  ordination,  and  ordained  a deacon 
in  1795,  and  priest  shortly  after — the  first  Negro 
ordained  in  the  Episcopal  Church  in  America.  Of 
Jones,  Bishop  White  wrote  upon  the  occasion  of  his 
death,  “I  do  not  record  the  event  without  a tender 
recollection  of  his  eminent  virtues,  and  of  his  pas- 
toral fidelity.” 

In  1819,  the  negro  members  of  Trinity  Parish, 
New  York,  under  the  leadership  of  Peter  Williams 
and  others,  and  with  the  consent  of  Bishop  Hobart, 
united  themselves  in  the  new  negro  Church  of  St. 
Philip.  The  following  year,  Williams  was  or- 
dained, and  became  the  first  negro  rector  in  the 
Diocese.  “There  was  a great  educational  need,  and 
he  was  the  man  who  led  the  successful  movement 
for  a Colored  High  School  in  those  early  days. 
When  the  parish  was  denied  representation  in  the 
Diocesan  Convention  (the  members)  quietly  elected 
as  their  representative  to  that  body  the  Hon.  John 
Jay  of  the  white  race  who  was  their  real  and  sympa- 
thetic representative  until  he  had  succeeded  in  re- 
versing the  policy.” 


182 


Christian  Development  of  the  Negro 


In  June,  1824,  St.  James’  First  African  Church, 
Baltimore,  was  organized  by  the  Rev.  William 
Levington.  On  October  10,  1826,  the  corner-stone 
was  laid,  and  on  March  31,  1827,  the  congregation 
occupied  their  new  church  which  was  that  day  con- 
secrated by  Bishop  Kemp.  “It  was  a day  of  peculiar 
significance  to  the  descendants  of  the  African  race 
for  all  times  to  come,”  writes  Dr.  Bragg,  “for  it 
was  the  first  occasion  anywhere  in  the  South,  where 
a local  branch  of  any  of  the  existing  white  Churches 
had  been  initiated  among  the  people  of  the  African 
race,  with  all  the  powers  of  self-government,  as  well 
as  with  an  educated  pastor,  of  the  same  race  as  the 
congregation.”  The  young  rector  was  ordained 
priest  in  Philadelphia  in  1828  by  Bishop  White,  and 
the  parish  was  incorporated  the  following  year. 

That  the  association  of  free  and  slave  Negroes 
did  not  move  always  in  the  paths  of  pleasantness, 
is  illustrated  by  the  opening  of  St.  James’  to  both 
classes,  over  the  objection  of  the  free.  The  earnest 
young  rector  seems  to  have  been  amply  strong  to 
compose  the  objectors,  and  to  inspire  them  with  a 
sense  of  duty  to  their  less  fortunate  fellow-mem- 
bers. Among  the  fruits  of  his  short  ministry  were 
the  Rev.  William  Douglass,  and  the  Rev.  Eli 
Worthington  Stokes,  the  former  the  first  Negro  to 
be  ordained  in  Maryland  (1836)  and  the  latter  the 
first  to  be  ordained  in  St.  James’  Church  (1843). 

In  1843  Christ  Church  for  Negroes — the  first 
colored  church  in  New  England — was  organized  in 
Providence,  R.  I.,  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Crummell;  and, 
in  the  following  year,  St.  Luke’s,  New  Haven, 

183 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


Conn.,  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Stokes.  It  will  be  recalled 
that  both  of  these  devoted  negro  priests  later  gave 
their  lives  as  leaders  of  the  Church  in  Liberia. 

Chronologically,  Calvary  Church,  Charleston,  S. 
C.,  organized  in  1849  by  the  Rev.  Paul  Trapier,  was 
the  next  to  be  built  especially  for  the  Negroes,  as 
also  to  relieve  the  congestion  in  the  white  churches 
of  the  city.  Because  of  the  law  against  the  assem- 
blage of  Negroes  alone,  a few  white  members  were 
enrolled  and  always  in  attendance.  The  building  of 
the  church  was  at  once  begun.  An  unsuccessful 
attempt  was  made  to  destroy  the  church  under  con- 
struction, Mr.  Trapier  calmly  announcing  to  the 
mob,  “You  will  tear  it  down  only  over  my  dead 
body.”  After  a public  meeting  at  which  the  full 
purpose  was  explained,  the  building  progressed 
peacefully,  and  the  good  work  has  continued  to  this 
time.  Calvary  Church  bore  the  relation  to  the 
churches  in  Charleston  that  would  now  be  defined 
by  the  term,  a City  Mission. 

About  1850,  St.  Matthews,  Detroit,  Mich.,  was 
established  under  the  leadership  of  the  Rev.  William 
C.  Munro.  The  anti-Negro  sentiment  soon  operated 
to  the  closing  of  its  doors.  The  wave  passing,  it 
was  again  revived;  but  lived  only  a few  years.  Yet 
during  its  brief  career,  it  served  one  purpose  of 
supreme  worth,  for  here  the  Rev.  Theodore  Holley, 
later  Bishop  of  Haiti,  received  part  of  his  training, 
and  here  he  was  ordained. 

These  parochial  establishments — probably  the 
only  ones  in  America  founded  on  so  ambitious  a 
scale— together  with  St.  Stephen’s,  Savannah,  in 

184 


Christian  Development  of  the  Negro 


1856,  represented  the  beginnings  of  the  purely  racial 
churches  before  the  Civil  War;  the  initiation,  in 
most  cases,  of  local  self-government ; and  the 
models  of  those  to  come  later.* 

It  would  not  be  profitable  to  describe  in  detail 
the  work  of  every  Colony  and  Diocese  in  the  period 
before  Emancipation,  where  the  sameness  of  method 
and  result  so  inevitably  blends  with  monotony.  The 
work  in  South  Carolina,  completely  illustrative  of 
all,  will  serve  as  a sample,  and  others  may  be  briefly 
summarized. 

South  Carolina  illustrates,  more  completely  than 
any  other,  the  features  of  work  employed  by  all  the 
Southern  States. f Happily,  there  is  almost  a con- 
tinuous record  from  which  to  draw.  The  Chron- 
icles of  St.  Mark’s  Parish  is  especially  valuable  as 
a source-book.  From  it  we  learn  that  from  the  be- 
ginning, so  soon  as  the  Negroes  were  taught  the 
language,  Christian  instruction  and  Baptism  fol- 
lowed, wherever  agreeable  to  the  Negroes.  This 
was  provided  for  by  Article  107  of  The  Code  of 
Laws.  No  question  was  raised  during  the  Pro- 
prietary Government.  When  the  Royal  Govern- 
ment was  established,  the  question  was  raised  as  to 
the  propriety  of  such  instructions  of 'the  slaves,  but 
the  law  stood  as  reaffirmed  by  the  Legislature  of 
1712.$ 

In  1764,  the  Rev.  Levi  Durand  of  St.  John’s 
Parish,  baptized  the  first  child  recorded  as  born  of 


*See  Appendix,  Note  D. 
tSee  Appendix,  Note  E. 
JSee  Appendix,  Note  F. 


185 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


negro  Christian  parents.  This  marks  the  beginning 
of  a new  era  for  the  race ; for  until  Christian  faith, 
the  instinct  of  prayer,  and  the  habit  of  belief,  come 
to  be  the  heritage  of  a people,  making  the  atmos- 
phere of  life,  it  is  not  possible  to  begin  to  build  the 
generations  into  the  great  Temple  as  true  and  tried 
living  stones.  True,  such  habit,  such  atmosphere, 
may  become  in  time  but  the  empty  shell  of  life  that 
is  dead ; this  is  the  danger  against  which  Christians 
have  had  always  to  guard.  Where  Christian  faith 
is  surrounded  by  heathen  superstition,  it  is  thrown 
upon  guard,  if  the  faith  be  true.  Its  guard  is  apt 
to  become  increasingly  relaxed  as  the  atmosphere 
which  surrounds  it  is  of  its  own  making.  But  this 
latter  is,  none  the  less,  the  very  condition  of  prog- 
ress, where  faith  is  truly  alive.  Hence  it  was  only 
when  the  Christian  Negroes  could  make  the  Chris- 
tian conditions  in  which  to  rear  their  children,  that 
the  conversion  of  the  race  could  be  said  to  have  be- 
gun. From  that  year,  1764,  the  Christians  of  a 
second  generation  increased  with  their  numbers,  and 
vastly  contributed  to  the  better  and  more  wholesome 
conditions  to  which  their  new  brethren  came.* 

That  the  disposition  to  evangelize  the  Negroes 
gained  complete  ascendency  with  the  success  of 
efforts,  is  attested  by  the  report  of  the  “Committee 
of  the  Religious  Instruction  of  Colored  Persons,” 
published  in  The  Gospel  Messenger  of  May,  1838. f 

“St.  John’s,  Colleton.  The  preaching  upon  the 
plantations  has  been  continued,  with  increasing  evi- 

*See  Appendix,  Note  G. 

tFor  Resolutions  contained  in  this  Report,  see  Appendix,  Note  H. 

186 


Christian  Development  of  the  Negro 

dence  of  the  benefit  resulting,  both  to  master  and 
servant,  from  this  branch  of  duty.  The  interest  of 
the  master  in  the  religious  instruction  of  his  slaves, 
may  be  known  from  the  fact  that,  on  most,  if  not 
all,  of  the  plantations  visited,  but  half  the  usual 
task  is  given  on  the  days  on  which  Divine  Service 
is  appointed  to  be  held.  During  the  summer,  a class 
of  44  colored  children  was  regularly  taught  (orally) 
for  an  hour  every  day,  by  members  of  the  Rector’s 
family.” 

By  the  middle  of  the  century  such  reports  are  the 
rule;  there  were  fewer  rectors  of  distinctly  white 
parishes  than  of  distinctly  negro  missions. 

In  1849,  Bishop  Gadsden,  after  noting  in  his  ad- 
dress to  the  Convention,  thirteen  visitations  “having 
more  especial  reference  to  the  class  of  servants,” 
adds  this  comment : “In  my  visitations,  nothing  was 
more  gratifying  to  behold  than  the  chapels  which 
have  been  erected  on  plantations  at  central  points 
for  the  more  especial  accommodation  of  the  blacks. 
There  are  now  at  least  ten  such  chapels.  May  they 
be  greatly  multiplied,  and  the  day  not  distant  when 
each  large  plantation,  or  two  or  more  smaller 
ones  united,  shall  have  a Chaplain  and  daily 
services !” 

In  that  year,  of  the  430  communicants  in  St. 
Philip’s,  Charleston,  138  were  colored;  in  St. 
John’s,  Colleton,  of  the  456,  the  colored  numbered 
401.  These  relative  proportions  of  numbers  rep- 
resent fairly  two  types  of  mixed  congregations.  In 
1850,  the  proportion  of  communicants  in  the  Dio- 
cese was  2751  white  and  3168  negro.  In  1857,  as 

187 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


though  in  answer  to  the  fervent  prayer  of  his  prede- 
cessor, Bishop  Davis  reports  to  the  Convention, 
“The  whole  number  of  persons  confirmed  since  the 
last  Convention  is : white  245,  colored  628.  I have 
been  endeavoring  to  collect  statistics  of  our  opera- 
tions among  the  colored  people,  but  they  are  yet 
imperfect.  There  are,  in  the  Diocese,  45  Chapels 
and  places  of  worship  for  the  slaves.  There  are 
about  150  lay  persons,  male  and  female,  engaged 
in  giving  to  them  catechetical  instruction.  There 
must  be  150  congregations,  and  catechumens  in  pro- 
portion to  these  congregations  and  to  the  number  of 
teachers.  This  is  as  near  as  I can  now  ascertain.” 
What  an  answer,  in  seven  years,  to  Bishop  Gads- 
den’s prayers! 

But  the  increase  in  baptisms  far  surpassed  other 
growth,  and  more  and  more  Christian  parents  were 
bringing  their  children  to  the  front.  In  1858,  here 
are  some  figures:  In  old  St.  Philip’s,  Charleston, 

I colored  adult  baptized,  18  colored  children,  27 
white, — manifestly  proportionate  to  the  Christians 
of  the  two  races.  In  St.  Stephen’s,  where  the 
Church  is  not  as  long  established  and  Services  are 
less  frequent,  adults  baptized,  119  colored;  children, 

II  white,  13  colored.  In  All  Saints,  Waccamaw, 
Mr.  Glennie,  the  pastor  of  the  Negroes  for  so  many 
years,  reports  52  colored  adults  baptized;  children, 
white  10,  colored  186.  In  his  postscript,  Mr. 
Glennie  wrote,  “Divine  services  for  the  Negroes  on 
19  plantations,  614  times;  largest  class  of  negro 
children  70,  smallest  6.” 

188 


Christian  Development  of  the  Negro 

Among  the  postscripts  to  the  report  of  St. 
Philip’s,  Charleston,  is  this  one:  “In  the  amount 
of  missionary  contributions  is  included  $150  from 
the  colored  members  of  St.  Philip’s  (and  a few  of 
St.  Michael’s)  for  the  support  of  an  African 
teacher;  also  $75  from  the  Bible  Class  of  the  assist- 
ant Minister,  for  St.  Philip’s  Scholarship  in  the 
Cape  Palmas  Orphan  Asylum.”  This  is  not  an 
isolated  instance  of  the  contributions  of  both  slave 
and  free  for  Missions. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Taylor,  missionary  to  the  Negroes 
of  Bluffton,  about  the  same  time,  furnishes  this  tes- 
timony to  the  eagerness  of  the  little  Sunday  School 
scholars,  which  is  very  characteristic:  “In  the  dis- 
charge of  my  duties,  I found  much  to  interest  me; 
the  children  were  for  the  most  part  attentive  and 
disposed  to  learn.  I was  recently  quite  gratified  in 
meeting  with  a gentleman  who  owned  one  of  the 
plantations  under  my  care ; he  informed  me  that  the 
children  were  very  anxious,  when  he  went  among 
them,  to  repeat  hymns,  etc.,  which  I had  taught 
them,  and  for  this  purpose  would  often  follow  him.” 

By  1860,  Bishop  Davis  was  practically  blind, 
though  he  continued  to  discharge  his  duties  almost 
until  his  death  in  1871.  His  journal  for  1860,  read 
by  his  son,  contains  a succession  of  confirmations 
of  White  and  Colored,  more  of  the  latter  than  the 
former.  And  then  came  frightful  war  and  its  after- 
math,  with  results  in  church  life  much  like  those 
in  the  industrial  life  of  the  Negro.* 


*See  Appendix,  Note  I. 


189 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


A typical  picture  of  the  religious  work  of  this 
period  is  given  in  the  words  of  Mrs.  Essie  Collins 
Mathews. 

“High  above  the  Waccamaw  river,  stands 
the  Weston  Chapel,  beautifully  located.  Through 
the  years,  I see  the  picture.  It  is  built  of  cypress, 
has  fine  stained-glass  windows,  and  in  every  way  is 
a house  well  suited  to  the  worship  of  the  Lord.  Ad- 
joining, are  a thousand  acres  of  rice,  the  rice-mill, 
and  other  buildings  needed  by  the  planter.  Hun- 
dreds of  slaves  are  at  work  in  the  fields.  When  the 
clock  in  the  Chapel  tower  strikes  the  hour  for 
Evening  Prayer,  the  many  slaves  start  for  the 
Chapel,  and  it  is  soon  well-filled.  The  master  is  a 
lay-reader,  and  appears  in  his  snowy  vestments,  and 
begins  the  Service  we  all  love  so  dearly — ‘The  Lord 
is  in  His  holy  temple;  let  all  the  earth  keep  silence 
before  Him.’  Then  comes  the  General  Confession, 
and  the  people  drop  on  their  knees.  Do  you  not 
see  them  ? Many  are  devoutly  kneeling,  the  women 
with  bright-colored  kerchiefs  on  their  heads  and 
the  men  with  their  heads  bared.  The  soft  sunlight 
shines  through  the  stained-glass  windows  and  fills 
the  Chapel  with  beautiful  colors.  The  mocking- 
birds are  singing  softly  in  the  live-oak  trees  just 
outside.  The  air  is  filled  with  the  fragrance  of  the 
yellow  jasmine,  while  the  master  joins  with  his 
black  people  in  the  prayer,  ‘Almighty  and  most 
merciful  Father,  we  have  erred  and  strayed  from 
Thy  ways  like  lost  sheep.’  At  the  close  of  the  Ser- 
vice they  sing,  as  only  Negroes  can  sing,  and  with 
that  quality  of  tone  none  others  have : 

190 


Christian  Development  of  the  Negro 

‘Through  the  day  Thy  love  has  spared  us ; 

Hear  us  ere  the  hour  of  rest; 

Through  the  silent  watches  guard  us, 

Let  no  foe  our  peace  molest. 

Jesus,  Thou  our  guardian  be. 

Sweet  it  is  to  trust  in  Thee.’ 

They  pass  out  of  the  Chapel  silently,  with  a smile 
and  a kind  word  for  each  from  the  master  who  is 
at  the  door  to  say  ‘Good  night.’  ” 

“The  picture  passes  from  our  sight,  and  the 
words  of  the  hymn  can  no  longer  be  heard.  We 
turn  to  the  Chapel  as  it  is  today.  Most  of  those  old 
slaves  now  lie  in  the  graves  near  by;  and  the  good 
master,  in  the  parish  church-yard  not  far  away.”* 
With  this  example  in  detail,  it  may  suffice  to  say 
that,  before  the  war,  a like  activity  characterized 
every  Diocese  of  the  South  Atlantic  and  Gulf 
States,  including  Tennessee  and  Arkansas,  and  to 
a less  extent  Kentucky  and  Texas  where  slavery 
was  not  prevalent.  There  were  none  without  planta- 
tion churches,  and  few  parishes  without  negro  mem- 
bers, and  Sunday  Schools  for  the  children. 

Such  were  some  of  the  results  of  the  labors  of  the 
early  white  missionaries.  It  is  needless  to  add  that 
no  such  results  could  have  accrued  had  not  the 
Negro  himself  possessed  qualities  out  of  which 
character  may  be  built. 

At  the  close  of  the  Civil  War,  with  one  consent 
the  Dioceses  of  the  South  set  themselves  the  task 
of  building  upon  the  reduced  foundations.  No  one 
dreamed  of  a laissez  faire  policy.  The  leader  spoke, 


*See  Appendix,  Note  J. 


191 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


and  the  Church,  with  reduced  resources,  responded. 
Some  of  the  Bishops  thought  the  old  machinery- 
sufficient  for  the  new  day;  but  most  people  recog- 
nized that  the  birth  of  the  new  era  meant  the  change 
of  the  old  order.  The  Negroes  themselves  had 
spoken  by  their  actions,  in  refusing  any  longer  to 
attend  the  white  man’s  Services.  Plainly  this  in- 
dicated a desire  for  churches  of  their  own,  with 
local  self-government  such  as  had  already  been 
found  palatable  in  political  life.  More  or  less  of 
separation  for  the  races  in  church  had  to  be  made, 
and  more  and  more  as  time  passed. 

Gradually,  as  means  could  be  provided,  separate 
parishes  were  organized  in  the  larger  cities,  begin- 
ning with  St.  Mark’s  Parish,  Charleston,  in  1866. 
At  first,  white  rectors  were  the  rule  south  of  Balti- 
more. Occasionally,  as  was  true  of  the  pre-war 
period  in  South  Carolina,  negro  lay-readers  were 
licensed ; but  plainly,  and  quite  naturally,  the 
Negroes  wanted  their  own  pastors  from  their  own 
people. 

From  the  establishment  of  the  first  negro  church 
in  Philadelphia,  in  1791,  among  the  free  Negroes, 
the  consistently  prevailing  demand  of  the  freedmen 
has  been  for  churches  and  pastors  of  their  own. 
They  first  demanded  this,  and  themselves  suggested 
it  to  their  white  Bishops.  Practically  all  of  the 
Bishops  met  this  desire  with  sympathy,  Bishops 
Atkinson  and  Howe  being  foremost  in  meeting  this 
natural  ambition  of  the  Negroes. 

In  1873,  Bishop  Howe  thus  addressed  his  Con- 
vention: “Let  a Missionary  jurisdiction  be  erected 

192 


Christian  Development  of  the  Negro 


by  the  General  Convention  with  express  reference 
to  these  people,  and  let  a Missionary  Bishop  be  con- 
secrated, who  shall  give  his  whole  time  and  thought 
to  this  work;  who,  as  the  executive,  not  of  a single 
Diocese  but  of  the  entire  Church,  shall  organize 
congregations,  provide  them  with  Church  schools 
and  pastors,  and  in  due  time  raise  up  from  among 
the  colored  people  themselves,  and  to  minister  to 
themselves,  deacons  and  priests  who  shall  be  edu- 
cated men,  and  competent  to  the  work  of  the  min- 
istry, and  I cannot  but  think  good  would  result.” 

The  germ  of  this  suggestion  had  been  already 
discussed.  The  Methodist  and  Baptist  Churches 
had  been  divided  on  racial  lines,  negro  churches 
being  provided;  but  the  Episcopal  Church  had  no 
such  easy  solution.  The  question  was,  rather,  how 
to  secure,  without  a division,  what  the  Negroes 
manifestly  desired.  The  General  Convention  of 
1874,  in  its  capacity  as  the  Board  of  Missions,  re- 
jected the  proposal  of  Bishop  Howe.  Its  acceptance 
might  have  saved  long  years  of  controversy  and 
vacillation — controversy  over  negro  suffrage  in  its 
Councils — vacillation  of  opinions,  Negroes  first  ask- 
ing separation  for  greater  freedom  in  self-govern- 
ment, then  demanding  equal  representation  in  Coun- 
cil; Whites  first  fearful  of  separation,  then  demand- 
ing separation  in  Council. 

Meanwhile,  the  separate  organization  of  Metho- 
dist and  Baptist  Churches,  with  freer  worship  and 
complete  self-government,  attracted  and  held  most 
of  the  Episcopalians  who  had  wandered  from  the 
fold,  while  others  conformed  to  the  Reformed 

193 


13 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


Episcopal  Church  about  1874  to  1875.  To  this 
day,  the  pride  of  the  Negroes  in  the  “Great  Negro 
Churches’’  with  their  own  Bishops  in  the  case  of 
the  Methodists,  and,  in  the  case  of  both  Metho- 
dists and  Baptists,  their  own  strong  leaders  utterly 
independent  of  a responsibility  shared  by  the  white 
race,  is  a powerful  motive  in  holding  them  to  these 
Churches.  This  verj'  great  achievement  which  they 
have  accomplished  for  themselves  through  sacrifices 
that  white  people  of  the  same  age  know  only  faintly, 
is  a source  of  unending  satisfaction  to  them,  and 
an  evidence  of  their  ability  to  inaugurate  and  main- 
tain great  enterprises.  They  feel  this  profoundly, 
and  are  drawn,  with  the  cords  of  loyalty,  to  that 
which  is  their  very  own,  unshared  by  others. 

The  modern  era  of  Church  activity  in  the  South 
follows  the  reconstruction  era,  beginning  about 
1880.  It  is,  however,  about  this  same  date  that  the 
larger  activities  in  the  North  also  began. 

In  the  North,  where  the  Negroes  were  compara- 
tively few,  some  became  members  of  white  parishes. 
Perhaps  an  equal  number  were  gathered  in  the  six 
churches  built  especially  for  them  prior  to  the  Civil 
War.  Of  these  six,  however,  two  became  extinct 
very  quickly — Christ  Church,  Providence,  R.  I.,  and 
St.  Matthew’s,  Detroit,  Mich.  And  this  was  the 
condition  up  to  1880,  save  that  the  negro  members 
of  white  and  negro  parishes  increased  somewhat  in 
the  larger  cities. 

In  the  South,  before  the  war,  from  Maryland 
downward  and  westward,  only  three  parishes  were 
established  for  the  Negroes — St.  James’,  Baltimore; 

194 


Christian  Development  of  the  Negro 


Calvary,  Charleston;  St.  Stephen’s,  Savannah— all 
with  unbroken  history  to  this  day.  There  were  in- 
numerable parishes  in  rural  communities,  about  fifty 
in  South  Carolina  alone.  Nearly  every  parish  also 
had  negro  members  who  numbered  many  thousands. 
After  the  war,  the  work  was  a wreck,  and  the  mem- 
bers of  the  whole  South  were  counted  only  in  hun- 
dreds. 

And  here,  in  parentheses,  we  of  the  Episcopal 
Church  should  recall  our  lasting  gratitude  to  the 
American  Missionary  Society  of  the  Congregational 
Church.  During  the  era  of  reconstruction,  when 
our  Church  could  do  well-nigh  nothing  with  and 
for  the  Negro,  that  Society,  with  holy  purpose  and 
with  only  the  natural  mistakes  of  a people  feeling 
their  way  toward  a new  problem,  and  at  indescrib- 
able personal  sacrifice  of  the  workers,  established 
schools,  preached  the  Gospel,  and  held  high  the  lan- 
tern of  the  Good  Shepherd  before  the  bewildered 
eyes  of  a hopelessly  confused  race.  Through  their 
work  chiefly,  were  the  leaders  of  the  era  raised  up. 
Hampton  was  founded  mainly  under  their  auspices, 
and,  until  now,  has  been  administered  under  their 
able  and  devoted  missionaries  in  complete  Christian 
courtesy  to  other  Churches.  Schools  were  estab- 
lished by  them  from  Hampton  around  to  Fiske,  and 
though  the  South  was,  from  the  first,  suspicious  of 
their  influence,  they  have  long  since  won  the  con- 
fidence and  regard  of  every  soul  who  knows  them 
by  their  fruits. 

If  we  should  follow  the  unhappy  controversies 
of  the  ten  years  beginning  about  1873,  there  would 

195 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


be  disclosed  ample  reason  for  the  continued  es- 
trangement of  the  Negro  from  the  Church.  His 
membership  in  the  Church  was  never  questioned. 
This,  with  all  of  spiritual  privilege,  was  always  his 
right.  But  the  vexed  question  of  the  franchise  was 
an  ecclesiastical  as  well  as  a political  matter;  and, 
as  always,  each  side  had  its  advocates  and  its  op- 
ponents. To  the  Negro,  the  question  of  represen- 
tation in  Conventions  became  important,  as  affect- 
ing the  standing  of  his  membership  in  the  Church. 
Until  that  question  was  settled,  he  stood  aloof. 
Generally,  save  in  South  Carolina  and  Arkansas, 
his  right  to  representation  was  accorded,  though 
there  was  some  little  variety  in  practical  adjust- 
ment. South  Carolina  established,  in  1888,  a sep- 
arate Archdeaconry  where  voice  and  vote,  and  con- 
ference with  the  Bishop  would  be  free. 

There  was  also  the  question  of  the  fitness  of  the 
Negro,  so  new  from  slavery,  for  the  office  of  priest. 
Prior  to  1865,  only  fourteen  Negroes  had  been  or- 
dained to  our  ministry,  and  a large  proportion  of 
these  had  Liberia  or  Haiti  as  an  objective.  None 
had  been  ordained  in  any  Diocese  south  of  Mary- 
land. It  would  have  been  a totally  new  thing,  and 
the  South  looked  upon  it  with  skepticism.  Here, 
again,  however,  there  were  two  sides,  with  constant 
controversy,  resulting  in  reluctance  on  the  part  of 
Negroes  to  apply  for  Holy  Orders. 

True,  the  conviction  that  only  negro  clergy  could 
shepherd  the  thousands  of  stray  sheep  back  to  the 
fold,  and  the  consequent  necessity  of  providing 
such  clergy,  early  overcame  the  hesitation  of  the 

196 


Christian  Development  of  the  Negro 


Bishops;  but,  even  so,  Standing  Committees  felt 
neither  pressure  as  did  their  Bishops.  Neverthe- 
less, of  the  27  clergy  ordained  from  1866  to  1880, 
there  were  seventeen  ordained  in  the  South,  eight 
in  the  North,  and  two  in  the  West.  This  small 
number,  while  serving  to  reassure  the  Negroes  of 
their  welcome  to  the  ordained  ministry,  did  not 
bring  back  the  wanderers  to  the  fold  in  large  num- 
bers. 

It  was  through  the  earnest  devotion  of  men  like 
Jos.  S.  Atwell  of  Virginia,  William  H.  Wilson  of 
Nebraska,  Henry  L.  Phillips  of  Pennsylvania,  J. 
H.  M.  Pollard  of  Virginia,  Thomas  W.  Cain  of 
Texas,  Cassius  M.  Mason  of  Missouri,  William 
Cheshire  of  Tennessee,  that  the  seeds  of  a later 
harvest  were  sown  in  this  widely  scattered  vine- 
yard. With  perhaps  one  exception,  these  early 
ordinants  were  the  direct  fruits  of  our  post-war 
schools  described  in  another  chapter.  Through 
these  schools,  White  and  Black  together  set  them- 
selves the  common  task  of  supplying  the  native 
pastors  for  whom  our  people  yearned.  Ever  since, 
the  ministry  has  been  recruited  almost  exclusively 
from  St.  Augustine’s,  Raleigh — sole  survivor  of  the 
old  training  schools;  and  from  St.  Paul’s,  Lawrence- 
ville,  and  later  ones. 

The  decade  from  1880  to  1890  yielded  the  largest 
proportionate  increase  of  clergy  in  the  history  of 
the  Church,  most  of  whom  were  prepared  by  those 
older  schools.  Many  of  these  became  the  founders 
of  parishes  or  schools  or  both.*  With  the  access  of 


*See  Appendix,  Note  K. 


197 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


the  strong,  earnest  men  of  the  ’80s,  there  came  new 
life  into  the  Church’s  ministry  to  the  Negroes. 

The  Church  Commission  for  Work  among  Col- 
ored People  was  created  by  General  Convention  in 
1886.  The  next  year,  a report  was  published  of 
the  work  in  all  the  Southern  Dioceses,  as  well  as  in 
those  of  Springfield,  Kansas,  Missouri  and  Ne- 
braska, where  first  beginnings  had  been  made.  In 
most  of  them,  the  Bishops  were  those  who  had  seen 
the  well-nigh  complete  collapse  of  the  work  of  the 
former  period.  The  tone  of  their  reports  is  in 
marked  contrast  with  those  of  ten  or  twelve  years 
before;  nearly  all  of  them  describe  plans  that  only 
buoyant  hope  could  contemplate.  The  display  is 
pitiful  in  view  of  the  great  number  of  missions 
thirty  years  earlier. 

Alabama,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Texas,  and  West 
Virginia  report  one  mission  each,  a new  beginning 
in  each  case  on  the  ruined  foundations  of  the  past. 
Bishop  Wilmer  of  Alabama  wrote  with  new  hope 
of  the  revived  Good  Shepherd,  Mobile : “This  is 

a work  of  good  promise The  school  in 

connection  with  the  Church,  and  taught  by  one  of 
my  deaconesses,  is  a success.  We  are  beginning  to 
connect  with  it  an  Industrial  School;  also  an  Or- 
phanage and  Sisterhood.”  The  latter  were  never 
realized,  but  the  Church  has  persisted  and  two 
others  added.  The  congregations  in  Texas  had  in- 
creased to  four,  and  in  Mississippi  to  five.  Florida 
and  North  Carolina  had  been  rather  behind  the 
South  Atlantic  Dioceses  in  the  old  days,  with  many 
members  in  white  Churches,  but  with  few  separate 

198 


Christian  Development  of  the  Negro 


chapels.  Their  reports  showed  a strong  founda- 
tion for  the  new  times. 

Florida  had  established  churches  in  the  upper  and 
older  half  of  the  State,  and  missions  at  strategic 
points  all  the  way  to  Key  West.  There  were  more 
congregations  in  each  of  the  two  Florida  Dioceses, 
in  1922,  than  there  were  in  the  whole  State  in  1887. 

North  Carolina  had  been  divided  in  1884.  St. 
Augustine’s  School  had  done  great  work.  The  old 
Diocese  reported  thirteen  organized  churches  with 
“several  admirable  openings  if  we  could  feel  secure 
of  the  means  for  inaugurating  and  carrying  on  the 
work  in  these  new  fields.”  In  East  Carolina  there 
were  five  colored  congregations,  which  were  suffi- 
ciently organized  to  have  regular  buildings  of  their 
own.  In  both  Dioceses,  a plan  of  work,  including 
parochial  schools,  is  clearly  before  the  Bishops  and 
their  workers.  In  1895,  the  District  of  Asheville 
was  set  off.  In  1922,  there  were,  in  the  whole 
State,  39  congregations — more  than  double  the 
number  in  1887. 

Maryland  had  not  yet  been  divided.  There  were 
eight  churches  reported.  And  now  there  are  quite 
as  many  in  each  of  the  Dioceses,  with  great  growth 
of  numbers,  especially  in  Baltimore  and  Washing- 
ton City. 

Kentucky,  then  undivided,  had  three  churches, 
with  schools  at  Louisville  and  at  Henderson.  Now 
Kentucky  and  Lexington  have  three  each. 

South  Carolina  is  beginning  to  overcome  the 
earlier  overwhelming  losses.  There  were  eleven 
congregations,  with  parochial  schools  for  three  of 

199 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


them.  These  had  grown,  in  1922,  to  twenty-five, 
with  thirteen  schools. 

Tennessee  had  five  missions,  with  a school  for 
the  members  of  Emmanuel,  Memphis.  These  have 
doubled. 

Virginia,  reporting  also  for  Southern  Virginia, 
numbers  six  congregations  and  fourteen  schools. 
Since  then,  the  churches  of  the  Virginia  Dioceses 
have  grown  to  forty-three,  and  the  members  almost 
proportionately. 

In  Georgia,  the  mission  work  was  receiving  won- 
derful impetus  from  the  Rev.  A.  J.  P.  Dodge,  the 
benefactor  of  the  negro  work,  recently  come  to  the 
coast  region.*  In  1887,  there  were  six  congrega- 
tions, the  remnants  of  once  flourishing  missions. 
Mr.  Dodge  pushed  his  work  out  to  county  after 
county,  ably  seconded  by  the  Rev.  D.  Watson  Winn. 
Ruined  churches  were  restored,  and  new  ones  built ; 
existing  schools  were  strengthened,  and  new  ones 
founded.  In  many  cases,  they  discovered  old  mem- 
bers of  the  Church  upon  whom  to  build  the  younger 
generation.  Georgia  has  been  divided  since  then, 
and  the  six  churches  of  the  old  Diocese  have  ex- 
panded into  seven  in  the  Diocese  of  Atlanta,  and 
fifteen  in  the  Diocese  of  Georgia  of  today.  Into 
all  of  them,  the  devoted  spirit  of  Dodge  is  built. 

Another  region  which  is  quite  typical  of  the 
growth  during  this  modern  period,  deserves  our 
study  in  short  detail,  i.  e.,  North  Carolina,  with  its 
several  Dioceses.  Here,  as  everywhere,  the  new 


*See  Appendix,  Note  L. 


200 


Christian  Development  of  the  Negro 


life  grew  out  of  the  members  of  the  old  dormant 
fire  which  still  smouldered.  Nearly  every  church 
of  today  began  with  a few  Negroes  who  clung 
faith-fully,  in  spite  of  destruction  all  around  them, 
to  the  white  parishes,  refusing  to  join  the  purely 
racial  Churches  as  the  vast  majority  of  their  fel- 
lows did. 

“St.  Cyprian’s,  New  Bern,  and  St.  Mark’s,  Wil- 
mington, were  the  result  of  the  consecrated  vision 
of  Bishop  Atkinson  who  sought  to  preserve  to  the 
Church  the  fruit  of  her  anti-bellum  labors.”  The 
former  was  established  in  1866,  and  was  ministered 
to,  for  many  years,  by  the  rectors  of  the  parish 
Church,  in  which  the  first  members  of  St.  Cyprian’s 
were  reared.  I quote  from  a manuscript  story  of 
the  Church  among  the  Negroes  kindly  furnished 
by  Bishop  Darst  and  the  Executive  Secretary  of 
East  Carolina.  “It  is  impossible  to  estimate  the 
value  of  the  influence  this  school  has  had  upon  the 
life  of  the  colored  people  of  New  Bern.  It  would 
be  hard  to  find  a native  New  Bernian  above  35  years 
of  age  who  did  not  at  some  time  attend  this  school.” 
The  old  landmark  did  its  work,  and  its  site  is  now 
the  Parish  Playground,  still  serving  usefully.  The 
character  of  the  parish  has  grown  in  grace,  all  its 
present  members  having  been  trained  in  the  Church 
and  in  the  old  “Red  School.”  Its  contributions  to 
the  Nation-Wide  Campaign  were  $1000  in  1921. 

St.  Mark’s,  Wilmington,  was  founded  by  the 
Rev.  C.  O.  Brady  about  1872.  The  parish  is  dis- 
tinguished as  the  mother  of  clergy.  The  Parish 

201 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


School,  with  domestic  science,  has  been  a perennial 
garden  of  Church  growth. 

The  banner  parish  of  the  Eastern  Diocese  is  St. 
Joseph’s,  Fayetteville,  founded  by  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Huske  and  the  colored  members  of  the  old  parish. 
It  also  led  the  negro  churches  of  the  South  in  the 
Nation-Wide  Campaign  to  which  it  gave  $1300  in 
1920.. 

St.  Luke’s,  Tarboro,  was  organized  in  1872  by 
Dr.  Cheshire,  rector  of  the  old  parish  of  Calvary 
and  father  of  the  present  Bishop  of  North  Caro- 
lina. In  1881,  the  Rev.  John  W.  Perry  became  rec- 
tor. The  parish  grew,  and  a school  was  opened 
which  has  trained  many  good  Churchmen  and  some 
teachers. 

St.  Michael’s,  Charlotte,  owes  its  birth  and  early 
nurture  to  Bishop  Cheshire  who,  when  rector  of  St. 
Peter’s,  opened  the  Mission  for  colored  people.  A 
school  was  opened,  children  were  trained,  parents 
followed  them,  the  church  was  completed,  and  an 
excellent  plant  provided  equipment  for  a working 
congregation.  Four  men  were  sent  forth  into  the 
ministry. 

Another  parish — the  combined  work  of  white  and 
colored  priests — is  St.  John’s,  Edenton.  Founded 
by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Drane,  about  1880,  the  Mission 
was  able  to  build  its  church  in  1886.  The  parish 
school  has  sent  out  many  successful  pupils  who 
have  taken  high  stand  in  their  vocations.  Direct 
fruits  of  Edenton,  the  mother  of  the  district,  are 
the  negro  parishes  of  St.  Philip’s,  Elizabeth  City; 
St.  Paul’s,  Washington ; and  St.  Mary’s,  Belhaven. 

202 


Christian  Development  of  the  Negro 


The  story  of  these  years  of  re-establishment  in 
North  Carolina  is  one  of  beautiful  sympathy  be- 
tween white  and  negro  workers,  each  ready  to  build 
upon  the  foundation  of  the  other.  Since  then,  the 
same  sympathetic  co-operation  has  attended  the  ex- 
tension of  the  missions.  Bishop  Delany  has  been 
the  founder  of  more  than  half  of  the  existing 
churches  in  what  is  now,  under  Bishop  Cheshire,  his 
Diocese.  He  was  consecrated  Bishop  Suffragan  of 
North  Carolina  on  October  18th,  1918,  and  enjoys 
the  complete  confidence  of  his  brethren  of  the  South. 

Arkansas  had  no  report  for  the  Commission  in 
1887.  She  had  not  yet  risen  from  the  ashes  of  de- 
struction. The  Bishop  Suffragan,  Dr.  Dembv, 
writes : “The  history  of  the  Church  work  among 
the  Negroes  of  Arkansas  is  very  meagre;  in  fact, 

there  is  nothing  really  reliable outside  of 

certain  families  who  were  members  before  the  Civil 
War,  during  which  old  relations  were  broken  up. 
due  to  the  horrors  of  the  war  and  the  new  condi- 
tions.” 

Bishop  Pierce  and  his  family  had  opened  St. 
Philip’s,  Little  Rock,  about  1890.  Under  succes- 
sive archdeacons  in  Bishop  Brown’s  day,  missions 
had  been  begun  in  Fort  Smith,  Pine  Bluff,  New 
Port,  Hot  Springs,  and  Conway.  Most  of  them 
were  without  any  substantial  foundation,  nor  had 
they  the  equipment  with  which  to  establish  churches. 
However,  ground  had  been  broken  when  Bishop 
Winchester  came  in  1911.  He  at  once  saw  that  the 
problem  was  unlike  that  in  other  Dioceses  to  the 
eastward,  where,  very  generally,  a remnant  of  the 

203 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


old,  well-trained  members  of  the  white  congrega- 
tions were  the  foundation  of  the  missionary  renais- 
sance. So  soon  as  the  Canon  on  Suffragans  was 
passed  by  General  Convention,  he  proposed  its  appli- 
cation in  Arkansas;  and,  in  1918,  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Demby  was  elected  and  consecrated.  He  at  once 
entered  upon  his  task  as  apostle  to  his  race.  He 
had  at  first  to  overcome  the  natural  feeling  of  in- 
security which  intermittent  ministry  had  engen- 
dered. 

One  of  the  chief  obstacles  to  foundation  work  in 
this  new  era,  has  been  the  uncertain  income  for  sup- 
port, resulting  in  long  vacancies.  The  natural  conse- 
quence has  been  to  create  in  Negroes,  interested  in 
Holy  Orders,  the  sort  of  skepticism  which  asks, 
"If  I join  you,  what  next?  Am  I to  be  left  shep- 
herdless and  isolated  in  a Church  without  com- 
panionship?” The  old  policy  of  begging  an  income 
year  by  year  made  this  very  generally  inevitable. 
To  overcome  that  handicap  is  no  easy  task.  There 
were  many  others.  General  Convention  had  issued 
a challenge  to  the  faith  of  the  Church.  Arkansas 
was  first  to  accept  it  in  the  name  of  the  whole 
Church;  and,  in  her  material  weakness,  sent  forth 
the  call  of  faith  to  Bishop  Demby  to  lead  his  people 
in  the  trans-Mississippi  Province. 

Two  years  ago,  Bishop  Demby  sent  forth  a re- 
view of  the  field,  and  a call  to  the  Church  to  give 
him  means  to  occupy  it.  Of  Arkansas,  he  wrote : 
"There  are  seventy-five  counties  in  the  State ; in  six 
of  them,  there  are  more  colored  than  white  people; 
Crittenden,  71%  ; Phillips,  78%  ; Desha,  79%  ; Jef- 

204 


Christian  Development  of  the  Negro 


ferson,  71%;  St.  Francis,  68%;  Woodruff,  58%. 
In  only  three  of  them  has  work  been  begun,  though 
there  are  missions  in  several  of  the  counties  of  the 
interior.  We  have  scarcely  begun  to  enter  the  great 
‘‘Black  Belt”  which  is  ready  and  ripe  for  the  har- 
vest. What  we  need  is  substantial  help  to  do  the 
work  to  which  the  Church  has  called  and  conse- 
crated us.” 

The  Bishop  is  facing  the  whole  task  as  it  relates 
to  American  life,  just  as  his  brother  Bishop,  De- 
lany,  is  facing  it  on  the  Atlantic  coast.  “The  Epis- 
copal Church  is  facing  the  American  race-problem 

bravely  and  courageously and,  in  harmony 

with  the  program  of  the  Sociological  Congress,  is 
doing  it  rationally  and  in  the  spirit  of  Christianity. 
There  is  no  question  as  to  its  attitude  against  peon- 
age, lynching,  riots,  mob  violence,  and  court  injus- 
tices. The  Bishops  and  priests  of  the  Church  are 
one  against  all  wrongs  to  the  Negroes  or  any  other, 
race  unit.”  He  sees  the  call  of  the  Church  to  con- 
tribute, in  the  best  and  holiest  way,  to  the  harmony 
of  American  life.  He  finds  in  this  the  surest  ground 
of  that  reassurance  of  his  race  without  which  efforts 
are  futile. 

Much  more,  there  is,  but  this  may  suffice  to  ex- 
hibit the  breadth  of  vision  with  which  our  negro 
Bishops  are  viewing  their  great  task.  They  are 
both  in  the  heart  of  the  Negroes’  home,  east  and 
west.  As  few  men  can,  they  know  the  problems 
and  difficulties,  the  achievements  and  hopes. 

Turning  now  to  the  northern  and  western  Dio- 
ceses, we  find  a corresponding  growth  in  the  number 

205 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


of  congregations,  with  far  greater  proportionate  in- 
crease in  members,  and  in  self-supporting  parishes. 
The  building  of  new  churches  fairly  well  marks 
the  progress  of  the  diffusion  of  population.  Before 
1880,  the  Negroes  of  the  North  and  West  were  few 
in  number,  and  only  about  ten  congregations  in  the 
States  of  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  New  York, 
Connecticut,  Rhode  Island,  Michigan,  and  Cali- 
fornia, had  been  formed.  A gradual  transfusion 
then  began,  most  of  which  could,  for  a time,  be 
cared  for  by  the  white  and  the  existing  negro  par- 
ishes. From  that  date  to  1890,  ten  more  congrega- 
tions were  formed.  This  is  from  Dr.  Bragg’s 
Manual  of  Afro-American  Church  Work,  dated 
1910.  “Since  1900,  the  period  of  greatest  influx  of 
population  from  the  South,  45  congregations  have 
been  formed  in  29  Dioceses,  North  and  West.  The 
Church  in  the  North  and  West  has  been  quite  as 
much  alive  to  the  duties  and  privileges  of  negro 
work  as  has  the  South,  to  which  the  many  millions 
are  native.” 

The  next  development  in  the  upper  Diocese  came 
in  New  Jersey,  long  after  the  first  establishments. 
About  1860,  St.  Philip’s,  Newark  (the  first  in  the 
Diocese  and  the  last  before  the  Civil  War)  was 
founded.  So  the  two  Dioceses  in  that  State  were 
ready  to  meet  the  new  people  who  began- to  flow 
northward  in  the  ’80s,  when  St.  Augustine’s,  Cam- 
den, was  founded  in  1888,  and  St.  Augustine’s, 
Asbury  Park,  five  years  later.  These  became  the 
vantage  points  from  which  the  present  ten  parishes 
have  been  formed.  Sometimes  the  initiative  came 

206 


Christian  Development  of  the  Negro 

from  the  white  parish,  as  in  the  case  of  Epiphany, 
Orange,  first  opened  by  the  Rev.  Alexander  Mann 
when  rector  of  Grace  Church. 

In  1865,  St.  Philip’s,  Buffalo,  was  opened,  and 
the  western  Diocese  had  a home  for  its  limited  negro 
population.  St.  Thomas,’  Chicago,  was  founded  in 
1880,  and  is  one  of  the  largest  parishes  of  the  North 
Central  States.  In  1883,  St.  Michael’s,  Cairo,  Illi- 
nois, was  opened  by  the  parish  church,  and  the  Rev. 
J.  B.  Williams,  just  ordered  deacon,  served  as  rec- 
tor. The  site  was  strategic,  at  the  head  of  the  vast 
population  of  the  Mississippi  Valley.  In  1885, 
came  St.  Philip’s,  Omaha,  Nebraska;  and  St. 
Simon’s,  Topeka,  Kansas,  which,  with  St.  Augus- 
tine’s, Kansas  City,  opened  the  near  west  for  the 
later  migrations.  The  next  year,  St.  Augustine’s, 
Boston,  initiated  the  separate  congregations  in  Mas- 
sachusetts for  the  colored  members  of  parishes 
which  were  becoming  overcrowded.  These  were 
followed  by  missions  in  Southern  Ohio,  Delaware, 
Minnesota,  Ohio,  and  Indianapolis,  through  the 
years  to  1900.  Thus  the  Negroes  in  their  increas- 
ingly widespread  movements  found  Church  homes 
in  nearly  all  of  the  centres  to  which  they  were  being 
attracted.* 

In  the  summer  of  1921,  The  Church  Advocate 
published  a statement  of  comparative  statistics  of 
growth  in  the  Provinces.  The  figures,  probably  of 
1920,  from  the  entire  Church,  were,  Clergy  155, 
Congregations  283,  Communicants  30,113.  The 
congregations  now  number  289,  and  probably  the 


*See  Appendix,  Note  M. 


207 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


increase  of  clergy  and  members  corresponds.  Then 
follow  these  paragraphs : “In  the  year  1907,  in  the 
Southern  States  included  in  the  Province  of  Se- 
wanee,  there  were  reported  5,719  colored  communi- 
cants. Fourteen  years  later,  1921,  within  the  same 
territory,  there  are  reported  6,393  colored  communi- 
cants, or  a total  gain  in  fourteen  years  of  674.  In 
1907,  the  New  England  States,  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  and  Pennsylvania,  reported  in  the  aggregate 
4,413  colored  communicants.  In  1921,  this  same 
group  of  States  report  11,601  communicants,  an  in- 
crease, in  that  period,  of  7,188.” 

These  figures  are  probably  very  nearly  accurate; 
and  they  suggest  an  inquiry  to  which  no  simple  yet 
complete  answer  can  be  given.  Two  explanations 
stand  out  above  others : first,  that  the  reasons  which 
have  retarded  the  growth  of  the  Episcopal  Church 
in  the  South  are  the  same  for  White  and  Black 
alike,  i.  e.,  its  ultra-conservative  character,  involving 
an  unconsciously  aristocratic  spirit  which  may  often 
seem  cold  and  forbidding.  The  second  explanation 
may  be  found  in  the  economic  pull  toward  the  busier 
North,  drawing  the  most  enterprising  element  of 
both  races.  From  the  ministry,  through  business 
circles,  to  the  industrial  trades,  our  northern  cen- 
tres have  a large  percentage  of  southern  life.  This 
is  especially  and  increasingly  true  of  our  negro  life 
during  the  years  since  1900.  The  Episcopal  Church 
is  cultural  to  a marked  degree;  her  Services  not 
only  encourage  but  impart  culture.  Her  negro 
members  quickly  become  a desirable  class.  Thus 
the  experience  of  Mississippi  during  the  past  twelve 

208 


Christian  Development  of  the  Negro 

years  may  be  somewhat  exceptional,  but  it  is  still 
typical  of  the  whole  South.  Had  we  held  our  in- 
crease through  confirmations  and  through  births  in 
the  Church,  the  number  today  would  be  more  than 
trebled.  In  the  one  war-year  of  greatest  migration, 
the  colored  congregations  lost  quite  50%  of  their 
numbers;  these  migrants  are  now  to  be  found  very 
generally  in  the  churches  all  the  way  from  Chicago 
to  Boston. 

It  is  sometimes  very  discouraging  to  our  colored 
clergy  to  see  a fine,  sturdy  nucleus  of  a strong  par- 
ish evaporate  in  a few  weeks.  The  loneliness  of  it 
is  intense.  All  honor  and  profound  respect  for  the 
men  who  hold  their  posts  on  a progressive  picket- 
line, standing  alone,  sometimes,  until  recruits  answer 
the  call ! They  are  at  the  training-stations,  sending 
on  the  trained  to  the  larger  centres,  North  and 
South. 

In  the  Government  Report  on  Negro  Migration, 
1916-1917,  Dr.  James  H.  Dillard  gives  a striking 
illustration  furnished  by  the  reports  of  the  Durham 
School,  Philadelphia.  “I  thought  that  the  new  en- 
rollment would  probably  afford  some  information  as 
to  new  arrivals.  The  Principal  had  enrolled  the  new 
pupils  on  sheets  containing  fifty  names,  and  had 
been  careful  to  enter  opposite  each  name  the  place 
from  which  the  pupil  had  come.  I took  six  sheets  at 

random  and  found among  the  new  pupils 

between  forty  and  fifty  per  cent  from  the  South.” 

The  Church  is  one,  and  the  one  lesson  of  prac- 
tical value  from  this  recital  is  that  the  Church  be 


14 


209 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


ever  watchful  and  ready  in  pastoral  care  of  a flock 
wandering  far  from  accustomed  folds,  and  diligent 
to  conserve  the  fruit  of  a common  sacred  task. 
With  this  as  the  over-mastering  motive,  the  scouts 
on  outpost  duty  will  rejoice  equally  with  the  mob- 
ilized army  in  close  array,  that  all  stand  steadfast 
to  duty. 


210 


Chapter  VIII 

WHAT  OF  THE  FUTURE? 

A YOUNG  professor,  after  reading  portions  of 
the  manuscript  here  printed,  asked,  “Where  is 
this  leading  to?  Suppose  the  Negro  is  evangelized 
and  educated  as  thoroughly  as  your  ideal  for  him 
seems  to  desire,  what  will  happen,  and  what  is  to 
be  his  relation  to  the  white  people  in  this  country?” 
That  has  been  the  white  man’s  question  ever  since 
the  possible  consequences  of  his  bringing  the  Ne- 
groes to  the  new  land  were  brought  home  to  him. 
The  question  was  faced  with  impelling  emphasis  as 
the  Fathers  of  the  Republic  contemplated  the  pur- 
poses and  ideals  of  the  new  form  of  government 
which  they  established.  From  this  government  they 
expected  to  realize  an  equality  of  opportunity  for 
all  men  such  as  no  other  had  ever  dreamed  of  as 
an  ideal  to  be  desired.  The  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence inevitably  brought  the  white  man’s  ques- 
tion to  the  fore  as  he  faced  the  red  man,  owner  by 
right  of  occupation,  and  the  black  man,  now  be- 
come American  by  right  of  birth.  Just  as  inevitably, 
with  the  first  freedman,  arose  the  negro’s  question, 
“What  is  my  status  in  American  life?”  The  clamor 
for  a true,  unclouded  answer  to  both  questions  in- 
creased with  the  increasing  numbers  of  the  freed- 
men. 

211 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


Even  during  the  slave  era,  with  the  growth  in 
numbers  and  in  race  consciousness  on  the  part  of 
the  intelligent,  educated  few,  the  question  of  the 
status  of  the  Negro  in  American  life  inevitably 
arose.  Among  those  who  were  first  to  awake  to 
the  inevitable  was  the  Rev.  James  W.  C.  Penning- 
ton, D.  JD.,  of  New  York,  foremost  among  the  negro 
scholars  and  leaders  of  the  last  century. 

Lecturing  in  England  and  Scotland  about  1840, 
Dr.  Pennington  said,  “The  colored  population  of 
the  United  States  have  no  destiny  separate  from 
that  of  the  nation  in  which  they  are  an  integral  part. 
Our  destiny  is  bound  up  with  that  of  America.  Her 
ship  is  ours ; her  pilot  is  ours ; her  storms  are  ours ; 
her  calms  are  ours.  If  she  breaks  upon  any  rock, 
we  break  with  her.  If  we,  born  in  America,  cannot 
live  upon  the  same  soil  on  terms  of  equality  with 
the  descendants  of  Scotchmen,  Englishmen,  Irish- 
men, Frenchmen,  Germans,  Hungarians,  Greeks, 
and  Poles,  then  the  fundamental  theory  of  America 
fails  and  falls  to  the  ground.” 

The  same  question  is  involved  today  in  any  dis- 
cussion of  the  status  of  the  Negro.  The  Negro  can- 
not answer  it  alone,  the  white  race  must  enter  with 
him  into  these  too  often  forbidden  portals,  and  help 
him  unlock  the  door  of  mystery. 

What,  then,  is  the  Negro’s  status  in  American 
political  life?  It  is  that  which  our  national  Con- 
stitution gives  him,  with  lawful  qualifications  made 
by  several  States.  No  sincere  Christian  can  stand 
for  the  breaking  or  the  ignoring  of  law.  If  laws 
are  bad,  change  them;  but  safety,  justice,  and  de- 

212 


What  of  the  Future? 


cency  demand  that  they  be  obeyed — else,  anarchy. 
The  national  Constitution  declares  the  ideal.  The 
qualifications  of  the  States  are  based  upon  the  same 
just  principle  “that  the  best  qualified  should  rule;” 
the  practice  of  the  politicians  is  quite  another  thing. 
The  wise  know  that  the  resort  to  illegality  to  gain 
ends  is  as  the  pit  to  destroy  others. 

During  the  slave  era,  the  negro  leaders  of  the 
freedmen  set  themselves  to  the  task  of  establishing 
their  citizenship;  so  that  this  question  was  a live 
issue  even  before  the  Civil  War.  Out  of  it,  grew 
two  distinct  theories  of  relationship  of  the  Negro 
to  American  life.  Richard  Allen  was  the  leader  of 
one  school  of  thought.  He  and  his  confreres  had 
been  treated  with  scant  courtesy  in  the  white  Metho- 
dist Church  of  Philadelphia ; he  therefore  withdrew, 
and  founded  the  African  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church.  His  contention  was  that  the  Negro  should 
have  his  own  Church,  his  own  leaders,  and  should 
build  his  own  enterprises  in  every  line  of  endeavor. 

The  leader  of  the  opposite  school  was  Frederick 
Douglass,  who  thus  declared  the  principle  upon 
which  his  following  proceeded : “I  am  well  aware 
of  the  anti-Christian  prejudices  which  have  excluded 
many  colored  persons  from  white  churches,  and  the 
consequent  necessity  of  erecting  their  own  places 
of  worship.  This  evil  I would  charge  upon  its 
originators,  and  not  the  colored  people.  But  such 
a necessity  does  not  now  exist  to  the  extent  of  for- 
mer years.  There  are  societies  where  color  is  not 
regarded  as  a test  of  membership,  and  such  places 

213 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


I deem  more  appropriate  for  colored  persons  than 
exclusive  or  isolated  organizations.” 

While,  in  detail,  these  two  theories  may  vary  in 
their  developing  expression,  the  principles  upon 
which  they  were  founded  remain,  and  powerfully 
affect  the  Negroes’  attitude  towards  all  the  depart- 
ments of  our  complex  life.  The  question  was  both 
natural  and  inevitable,  and  became  an  increasingly 
live  issue  with  the  growing  free  population,  as  they 
looked  forward  hopefully,  in  1850,  to  the  day  of 
universal  freedom.  It  was  a question  which  could 
not  be  answered  by  themselves  alone.  The  dis- 
franchisement of  the  Negro  before  the  Civil  War, 
was  so  nearly  universal,  that  the  answer  to  his  ques- 
tion of  relation  to  the  political  life  of  America  was 
clearly  a negative  one.  But  there  was  a growing 
sentiment  in  the  Northern  States,  coincident  with 
the  rise  of  the  Abolition  party,  toward  negro  suf- 
frage on  a restricted  basis. 

It  is  probable  that  President  Lincoln’s  very  con- 
servative view  of  the  matter  would  have  expressed 
the  view  of  the  growing  minority  of  whites  before 
the  war;  and,  had  he  lived  after  it,  it  is  equally 
likely  that  it  would  have  prevailed  over  all  the  re- 
united Union,  as  it  does,  with  qualifications,  in 
many  States  at  the  present  time.  I quote  his  letter, 
written  in  1864,  to  the  Governor  of  Louisiana,  and 
printed  in  the  Negro  Year  Book  of  1919.  “Now 
you  are  about  to  have  a Convention  which,  among 
other  things,  will  probably  define  the  elective  fran- 
chise. I barely  suggest,  for  your  private  considera- 
tion, whether  some  of  the  colored  people  may  not 

214 


What  of  the  Future? 


be  let  in,  as  for  instance,  the  very  intelligent,  and 
especially  those  who  have  fought  gallantly  in  our 
ranks.  They  would  probably  help,  in  some  trying 
time  to  come,  to  keep  the  jewel  of  liberty  in  the 
family  of  freedom.  But  this  is  only  a suggestion, 
not  to  the  public,  but  to  you  alone.”  Again  in  his 
last  public  speech,  April  11,  1865,  in  speaking  of 
the  new  Louisiana  Government,  he  said : “It  is  also 
unsatisfactory  to  some,  that  the  elective  franchise  is 
not  given  to  the  colored  man.  I would  myself  pre- 
fer that  it  were  conferred  on  the  very  intelligent, 
and  on  those  who  serve  our  cause  as  soldiers.” 

It  is  true  that  a State  like  Mississippi  would  be 
in  an  intolerable  condition  if  unqualified  suffrage 
were  in  practice,  because  the  majority  of  the  Ne- 
groes and  some  of  the  Whites  are  either  illiterate, 
or  too  nearly  so,  to  be  intelligent  voters.  It  is  safe 
to  say  that  no  intelligent  man,  black  or  white,  in  the 
State,  would  vote  for  unrestricted  franchise  with 
its  certain  consequence  of  domination  by  the  mass 
of  the  unfit. 

In  no  sense  does  this  age  face  the  problems  of 
the  old  reconstruction  of  1865  to  1880.  But  the 
tragedies  of  that  old  time  were  not  primarily  of  the 
Negro’s  making.  The  thoughtful,  older  men,  who 
are  familiar  with  the  age,  and  analyze  the  motives 
of  conduct,  know  that  Negroes,  whose  loyalty  to 
their  old  masters  has  never  faltered,  transferred 
that  loyalty  to  their  liberators  in  utmost  good  faith 
and  profound  gratitude.  We  know  that  the  Negro 
bowed  before  the  “Yankee”  with  the  same  motive 
of  grateful  reverence  that  the  American  bows  to 

215 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


the  statues  of  Washington  and  Lafayette.  The 
wise,  thoughtful  Negro  of  today  looks  back  upon 
that  wild  era,  and  sees  the  mistakes  and  the  loss  to 
his  race;  while  he  lets  others  do  the  talking.  Its 
lessons  are  not  lost  to  him,  difficult  as  it  is  for  many 
people  in  the  South  to  believe  it.  No  one  can  read 
between  the  lines  of  the  lectures  of  their  great  lead- 
ers without  knowing  how  keen  their  insight  is.  An 
illuminating  example  is  Dr.  Isaiah  Montgomery’s 
debate  in  the  Mississippi  Constitutional  Convention 
in  favor  of  the  present  suffrage  law  of  the  State. 

There  is  but  one  demand — that  laws  be  honestly 
administered.  But  this  would  involve  office-hold- 
ing! Well,  why  not  if  it  contribute  to  mutual  in- 
terest? Is  it  true  democracy  that  would  leave  half 
of  a population  (as  in  some  communities)  unrepre- 
sented, all  the  way  from  State  Legislature  to  police- 
men of  a negro  ward  in  town?  Can  that  be  Chris- 
tian justice,  whose  approval  we  ask  of  our  Lord, 
but  which  deprives  a people  of  the  right  to  guard 
the  most  sacred  trust  which  God  imposes- — the 
homes  in  which  they  live?  There  are  just  as  many 
classes  among  the  Negroes  as  among  the  Whites. 
They  are  all  forced  into  solidarity  for  like  reasons 
that  make  the  solid  South.  Neither  is  healthy. 
Both  are  based  on  unreasonable  prejudice.  The 
solid  Negro  believes  he  faces  a solid  white  wall. 
The  solid  South  believes  it  faces  two  solids,  North 
and  Negro.  In  neither  case  is  it  true.  Just  let 
somebody  begin  to  do  justly,  trust  the  other  fellow, 
and  trust,  above  all,  God’s  power  to  inject  a sense 
of  justice  and  fair  play  even  where  human  short- 

216 


What  of  the  Future? 


sightedness  cannot  see,  and  most  of  our  troubles  in 
this  line  would  evaporate.  The  problem  of  trust 
is  at  once  a community  problem  and  a world  prob- 
lem which  only  the  determined  faith  which  removes 
mountains  can  solve. 

Every  one  of  our  States  has  some  wise,  patriotic 
negro  leaders  who  are  earnestly  studying  the  prob- 
lems of  race  and  of  State,  and  who  are  profoundly 
anxious  that  race-integrity  be  maintained  and  race- 
relations  be  cordial  and  mutually  helpful.  They, 
and  they  alone,  know  the  trials  and  burdens,  the 
achievements  and  ambitions  of  their  race  so  per- 
fectly as  to  witness  with  authority.  Over  our  en- 
tire nation,  it  is  by  the  white  race  that  the  laws  are 
made  and  executed,  that  social  needs  are  ministered 
to,  that  prisons  are  administered,  and  that  educa- 
tion is  provided,  and  health  and  sanitation  super- 
vised. There  is  not  a State  in  which  the  regula- 
tion of  civic  life  would,  or  could,  be  turned  over 
to  the  Negroes.  This  lays  upon  the  Whites  the 
chivalric  obligation  of  studying,  the  more  conscien- 
tiously and  carefully,  the  needs  and  interests  of 
their  negro  fellow-citizens.  This  cannot  be  done 
apart  from  the  highly  intelligent  Negroes.  In  our 
State  governments  we  should  have  negro  repre- 
sentatives of  their  race  to  confer  with  law-makers 
as  advisers.  An  hour’s  conference  with  two  or 
three  of  their  leaders,  chosen  for  the  purpose  by 
their  own  people,  informed  and  freely  representing 
their  interests,  would  clear  the  atmosphere  of  racial 
misunderstanding,  as  no  debate  of  a white  legisla- 
ture could  do  in  a whole  session. 

217 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


In  our  city  administration,  the  white  and  colored 
population  are,  by  mutual  choice,  not  by  law,  segre- 
gated; yet,  through  employment  in  daily  contact,  if 
one  member  suffer,  all  members  suffer  with  it — but 
the  Negro,  most.  In  many  cities,  never  a peace- 
officer  is  seen,  save  after  crime  has  been  committed. 
How  much  better  that  his  ward  of  the  city  be 
guarded  and  cared  for  before,  so  that  the  order  and 
decency  which  ordinarily  prevails,  in  spite  of  ne- 
glect, may  be  guarded  and  maintained!  The  Ne- 
groes should  have  their  own  peace  officers ; and  their 
right  to  protect  their  own  homes  should  be  kept 
utterly  inviolate.  Citizenship  is  a sacred  trust,  and 
the  care  of  citizens  and  the  harmony  of  life  demand 
that  the  most  wholesome  conditions  of  life  be  made 
for  all  alike. 

We,  of  the  Episcopal  Church,  have  tested  this  out 
through  many  years.  We  have  sat  in  councils,  in 
conferences,  on  committees  and  boards  with  Ne- 
groes. With  scarcely  an  exception,  we  have  found 
them  as  courteous  as  ourselves.  In  counsel,  some 
are  wise  and  valued  advisers;  some  are  less  so;  none 
are  useless.  Their  addresses  sound  much  like  ours ; 
upon  matters  of  their  own  race,  far  more  illumi- 
nating than  ours,  as  a rule.  We  mutually  fulfil  the 
covenant  which  Dr.  Washington’s  Atlanta  speech 
proposed,  and  which  our  whole  people  accepted  in 
1884.  The  substance  of  that  proposal  was  that  “in 
our  outward,  common  life,  in  all  that  goes  to  make 
a harmonious  relation  and  a prosperous  people,  we 
are  a unit  like  a man’s  hand;  in  our  inner  social 
life,  in  all  that  contributes  to  racial  integrity  and  the 

218 


What  of  the  Future? 


separate  trusts  that  God  imposes,  we  are  separate 
as  the  fingers  of  that  hand;  but  hand  and  fingers 
unite  in  striving  to  perfect  the  human  family,  to 
strengthen  and  build  up,  to  guard  and  to  purify,  the 
great  living  Temple  of  God.”  Can  the  Church  be 
God’s  Church,  and  stand  for  less? 

The  educated,  intelligent  Negroes  of  today,  who 
read  and  think,  are  as  anxious  to  contribute  to  the 
best  interests  of  their  communities,  their  States,  and 
our  common  Nation,  as  are  the  Whites.  This  has 
been  tested  in  community  “clean-up  campaigns,”  in 
anti-tuberculosis  movements,  in  liberty  loan  drives, 
in  volunteers  for  war,  in  active  service  in  army  and 
navy — in  every  movement  in  which  they  have  been 
assigned  a share.  They  have  never  asked  exemp- 
tion from  any  duty.  If  service  be  a badge  of  honor, 
the  Negro  has  won  it.  If  the  laborer  is  worthy  of 
his  hire,  then  the  Negro  has  earned  the  fruit  of  his 
service  as  a citizen.  If  there  are  difficulties  to  be 
encountered  in  the  bestowal  of  his  earnings,  they 
should  be  met  squarely.  Conference  on  any  vital 
subject  whatever,  is  always  courteous  and  cordial 
when  the  Negro  is  accorded  the  place  that  God  gave 
him  in  creating  him  a man.  That,  too,  is  not  con- 
jecture, but  long-proved  fact.  When  men  have 
learned  that  the  house  of  State  is  as  much  God’s 
house  as  that  of  Church,  we  shall  learn  how  to  hold 
brotherly  conference  with  black  or  red  or  yellow  or 
brown,  and  differences  and  misunderstandings  and 
green-eyed  hatred  will  be  banished. 

Utopia,  one  says!  Possibly;  but  if  there  were 
no  Utopia  to  strive  for,  we  would  cease  the  striving, 

219 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


and  be  content  to  live  in  any  jungle  that  gave  us 
birthplace. 

The  philosophy  of  life  changes  as  present  ideals 
are  reached,  and  as  loftier  ones  replace  them  in  the 
half-conscious  process  of  spiritual  growth.  A retro- 
spect of  child-growth,  with  its  heightening  ambi- 
tions urged  upward  by  progressive  ideals  and  men- 
tal and  spiritual  growth,  illustrates  this  changing 
philosophy.  It  ought  also  to  illustrate  the  folly  of 
a rigid  fixedness  in  life’s  relationships  such  as  leaves 
no  room  for  that  expansion  which  enlightenment 
brings  both  to  ourselves  and  to  others.  Thought- 
ful people  cannot  suppose  that  our  ideas  about  race- 
relations  will  always  remain  just  as  they  are.  They 
have  changed  greatly  in  the  past,  and  we  do  not 
know  just  how  God  is  going  to  lead  us  through  the 
maze  of  the  future.  There  is  but  one  sure  rule — 
to  do  justly,  and  to  know  that  righteous  obedience 
to  God’s  law  of  justice,  and  conformity  to  God’s 
law  of  love,  constitute  the  wisdom  which  will  be 
justified  of  its  children  in  never-ending  generations. 
There  ought  also  to  be  a human  reliance  that  can 
be  depended  upon.  In  every  age,  it  has  been  the 
unusual  stability  of  character  based  upon  profound 
religious  conviction  on  the  part  of  the  few,  that  has 
saved  the  many. 

We  have  traced,  in  brief,  the  lives  of  some  of 
those  outstanding  negro  characters  of  deep  convic- 
tion, who  have  been  the  ensigns  of  their  people.  It 
was  upon  these  men  of  Church  and  School,  with 
their  co-workers  like  Booker  Washington  and 
others,  that  the  duty  of  leadership  has  fallen  in 

220 


What  of  the  Future? 


these  years,  beginning  in  the  ’80s,  and  continuing 
until  now,  when  new  relations  between  the  races 
have  been  in  the  making.  At  the  beginning  of  this 
period  the  old  regime  had  not  yet  been  forgotten; 
the  bad  start  of  reconstruction  had  muddied  the 
waters,  and  no  one  could  see  the  bottom;  the  new 
freed  race  had  still  to  try  its  wings;  the  old  sur- 
vivors of  both  races — now  few,  indeed — who  had 
made  the  old  relations,  were  then  the  many  in  mid- 
dle life  clinging  to  the  past;  the  old  “Uncles”  and 
the  old  “Mammies”  were  still  too  many,  and  the 
endearment  of  the  old  ties  was  still  too  strong  to 
give  immediate  place  to  a new  relation  between  free 
Whites  and  black  Freedmen  or  their  free-born  sons. 

The  North  did  not  know  just  where  to  place  the 
members  of  a race  in  its  existing  level  of  develop- 
ment ; and  the  South  was  unwilling  to  have  them 
where  reconstruction  had  placed  them.  In  conse- 
quence that  happened,  which  has  always  happened 
in  the  history  of  the  race  when  others  had  the 
power;  the  Negroes  were  largely  unconsidered  or 
ill-considered,  and  their  real  interest  and  their  best 
good  were  alike  submerged,  while  North  and  South 
spent  weary  years  in  controversies  in  which  each 
side  was  sure  of  its  own  rectitude  and  distrustful 
of  the  other’s.  No  better  condition  for  missing  the 
conservative  right  can  be  found  than  that  which 
extremist  advocates  necessarily  make  in  imputing 
error  to  others  because  of  the  conviction  that  those 
others  must  think  wrong.  Through  such  a maze, 
the  younger  leaders  were  raised  up  to  guide  their 
people,  and  to  demonstrate  to  the  older,  more  ad- 

221 


Wanted  - Leaders ! 


vanced,  white  race,  the  real  worth  of  the  backward 
black. 

It  is  difficult  to  see  how  anybody  can  trace  the 
life  and  work  of  the  comparatively  small  band  of 
negro  leaders,  during  these  forty  years  past,  with- 
out a profound  feeling  of  admiration  for  their 
Christian  character,  their  patience,  their  wisdom, 
and  their  fine  sense  of  Christian  delicacy,  exhibited 
under  trying  conditions.  Think  of  the  men  upon 
whom  God  has  placed  this  most  difficult  and  deli- 
cate task  of  laying  the  foundation  for  a totally  new 
relation  toward  a more  numerous  and  powerful 
race,  and  then  try  to  remember  how  very  few  have 
seriously  blundered!  Think  of  their  task  of  re- 
making their  relations  with  a people  who  were 
recently  their  masters ! Think  of  their  task  of  teach- 
ing themselves  (and  in  such  true  way  that  the  mem- 
bers of  the  other  race  will  also  accept  the  lesson)  to 
live  as  free  black  men  with  white  men,  on  the  same 
soil,  and  amid  the  same  surroundings,  as  of  yore! 
Then  say  whether  you  can  withhold  your  chivalrous 
sympathy,  or  your  resolve  to  help  on  the  learning  of 
the  lesson  so  utterly  essential  to  the  peace  of  both 
races. 

The  Negro  has  had,  and  still  has,  this  tremendous 
task  laid  upon  him  of  making  the  place  which  is  his 
in  life;  and  of  taking  it,  not  because  he  demands 
it,  but  because  he  has  successfully  made  that  place. 
In  general,  he  who  has  to  demand  his  place,  has 
never  earned  it.  In  general,  too,  he  who  has  made 
a place  has  deserved  it,  and,  in  the  long  run,  it  will 
be  accorded  him.  The  Negroes  of  education,  of  re- 

222 


What  of  the  Future? 


finement,  of  gifts  and  of  culture,  are,  too  generally, 
held  back  from  the  place  they  have  made.  This  is 
partly  because  of  ignorance  on  the  part  of  white 
people  that  such  Negroes  exist,  while  the  only  ones 
they  know  are  the  great  majority  of  ignorant  farm 
hands;  partly  because  of  the  strange  anachronism, 
“social  equality,”  which  cuts  straight  across  race 
integrity,  and  nowhere  exists  even  within  the  single 
bounds  of  any  race. 

The  negro  people  are  not  standing  for  social 
equality  among  themselves,  even  though  some  of 
their  extremists,  along  with  the  Japanese,  are  mud- 
dying the  stream  of  concord  with  a cry  of  “equality 
of  races.”  No  one  can  doubt  but  that  sane  people 
of  every  race  will  continue  to  stand  for  that  which 
God  made  them — white,  yellow,  brown,  red  and 
black — and  will  try  to  keep  themselves  so.  In  the 
long  run,  all  will  learn  to  value  most  the  respect  that 
righteous  living  and  service  to  mankind  merit,  and 
to  contend  least  for  that  which  has  not  been  earned. 
Whatever  the  future  may  bring,  whether  return  to 
Africa  in  large  numbers,  or  migration  to  Haiti  as 
some  of  their  leaders  contend,  or  permanence  in 
America,  the  duty  of  each  day  is  to  help  the  Negro 
to  help  himself  in  attaining  the  fullest  preparation 
for  the  destiny  which  God’s  providence  has  surely 
in  store  for  him. 

So  much  for  political  and  social  relationships,  as 
between  the  two  races.  The  Negroes  have  asked 
the  momentous  question,  “What  is  our  status?” 

So  too,  in  matters  concerning  the  Church,  they 
are  asking  the  same  question;  not,  indeed,  as  in- 

223 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


volving  membership,  but  as  regards  organization. 
The  proposal,  made  in  1874,  to  create  separate  Mis- 
sionary Jurisdictions,  resulted  in  separate  Convoca- 
tions, in  a few  Dioceses,  some  fourteen  years  later. 
Its  renewal,  in  1904,  in  the  form  of  a Memorial, 
nearly  unanimous,  from  the  colored  clergy,  resulted, 
in  1918,  in  the  application  of  the  Canon  on  the  Suf- 
fragan Episcopate  to  those  Dioceses  which  should 
desire  to  adopt  its  provisions.  The  two  Bishops 
elected  by  Arkansas  and  North  Carolina  have  been 
given  all  the  authority  and  personal  initiative  pos- 
sible under  the  Canon.  That  it  did  not,  and  does 
not  now,  satisfy  the  full  desire  of  the  Memorialists 
is  well  known.  That  the  conditions  obtaining  in 
the  South  and  not  now  felt  to  be  needful  in  the 
North,  constitute  ground  for  local  adaptation  of  the 
Historic  Episcopate,  is  the  judgment  of  the  Me- 
morialists. 

The  reasons  for  the  petition  as  “the  result  of 
many  years  of  patient,  observation,  study  and 
prayer,”  are  clearly  set  forth,  and  may  be  found  in 
the  successive  Journals  of  General  Convention  from 
1904  to  1918.  Meanwhile,  there  are  no  negro  dele- 
gates in  the  House  of  Deputies,  save  one  from  Li- 
beria and  no  direct  voice,  from  the  more  than  thirty 
thousand  lay  members,  to  represent  their  interests 
in  the  national  body.  This  does  not  mean  that  the 
race  is  nowhere  heard,  or  its  interest  never  sought. 
But  it  does  mean  that,  in  national  Conferences  and 
Boards,  to  which  the  Negro  has  sought  entrance,  the 
Church  is  still  slow  to  grant  his  request. 

224 


What  of  the  Future? 


The  picture  is  not  wholly  dark.  What  are  the 
results  which,  in  the  midst  of  confusion  and  difficul- 
ties, the  Negro  has  been  able  to  achieve? 

The  statistics  for  the  whole  race,  here  given,  are 
taken  from  the  Negro  Year  Book  of  1919.  In  1866, 
the  Negroes  owned  12,000  homes;  in  1919,  600,000. 
Farms  owned  in  1866,  20,000;  in  1919,  50,000. 
The  wealth,  for  the  two  contrasted  years,  is  repre- 
sented as  $20,000,000  and  $1,110,000,000. 

These  figures  are  very  eloquent  in  their  announce- 
ment. They  do  not,  and  cannot,  even  begin  to  tell 
the  story  of  the  supreme  devotion,  the  untiring 
labor,  the  self-abasement,  the  sacrifice,  the  consum- 
mate wisdom,  of  most  of  that  small  company  of 
real  negro  leaders,  who,  from  the  ’80s  down  to  now, 
have  accepted  the  responsibility,  and  performed  the 
tremendous  task,  of  retrieving  the  losses  of  recon- 
struction and  inspiring  the  race  with  an  indomitable 
will  to  move  forward.  For  this  company  of  leaders 
was  from  among  the  3.6%  of  those  in  professional 
service,  as  teachers,  doctors,  lawyers  and  the  like. 
Upon  them  fell  the  sacred  task  of  guiding  the  re- 
maining 96.4%,  less  than  10%  of  whom  were  lit- 
erate. There  is  no  more  interesting  reading  than 
that  which  the  story  of  these  leaders  presents;  and 
that  of  the  trade-schools,  farmers’  conferences,  edu- 
cational rallies,  and  religious  institutes. 

And  how  was  the  progress  accomplished?  It  be- 
gan with  the  veritable  crusade  of  constructive  ser- 
vice preached  by  the  leaders. 

“If  educated  men  and  women  of  the  race  will  see 
and  acknowledge  the  necessity  of  practical  indus- 
15  225 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


trial  training,  and  go  to  work  with  a zeal  and  de- 
termination, their  example  will  be  followed  by 
others  who  are  now  without  ambition  of  any  kind. 
The  race  cannot  hope  to  come  into  its  own  until  the 
young  colored  men  and  women  make  up  their  minds 
to  assist  in  the  general  development  along  these 
lines.  The  elder  men  and  women  trained  in  the 
hard  school  of  slavery,  and  who  so  long  possessed 
all  the  labor — skilled  and  unskilled — of  the  South, 
are  dying  out;  their  places  must  be  filled  by  their 
children,  or  we  shall  lose  our  hold  upon  these  occu- 
pations. Again,  Phillips  Brooks  gave  expression 
to  the  sentiment:  ‘One  generation  gathers  the  ma- 
terial, and  the  next  builds  the  palaces.’  As  I under- 
stand it,  he  wished  to  inculcate  the  idea  that  one 
generation  lays  the  foundation  for  succeeding  gen- 
erations.” 

This  is  a sample  of  the  messages  of  these  cru- 
saders, borne  in  varying  cadences  throughout  the 
race.  The  appeal  was  to  the  cultured,  by  precept 
and  even  more  by  example,  to  stimulate  the  ambi- 
tion of  the  whole  race;  to  realize  that  foundation- 
building is  the  task  of  each  generation,  and  that  the 
neglect  of  one  generation  means  loss  to  itself  and 
the  next. 

But  they  were  not  preaching  only.  They  did 
what  they  exhorted  others  to  do.  With  the  help  of 
white  friends,  they  began  to  build  schools,  and  to 
teach  those  who  could  teach  others  the  value  of  in- 
dustry and  thrift,  and  the  blessings  of  the  self-re- 
spect that  is  unafraid  to  face  life  and  contribute  to 
its  needs.  And  thus  the  army  of  teachers  began  to 

226 


What  of  the  Future? 


go  forth.  Most  of  them  were  not  well  prepared, 
and  are  not  at  this  day,  for  the  calls  have  been  so 
hurried  that  the  preparation  has  been  equally  so. 

Today  there  are  38,000  teachers,  against  the  600 
in  1866;  most  of  them  in  the  little  country  schools; 
many  under  most  difficult  conditions  and  impossible 
surroundings,  both  of  which  are  rapidly  improving 
under  the  kindly  interest  of  the  dominant  whites. 
And,  too,  there  are  many  thousands,  trained  to  a 
degree  in  the  various  trades,  and  taking  their  places 
in  the  industrial  life  of  their  homes.  The  fact  that, 
in  1866,  95%  were  illiterate,  and  now  only  20%, 
stands  as  a living  monument  to  the  devoted  leaders 
of  these  forty  years  past. 

What  then  is  the  status  of  the  Negro  in  American 
life?  Our  forefathers  fought  for  liberty  to  bestow 
it  on  all  when  the  time  came  that  the  humblest  mem- 
bers were  prepared  to  assume  its  responsibilities.  A 
later  generation  fought  for  Democracy — that  crown- 
ing and  pervading  principle  of  liberty.  Our  great 
leaders  have  been  as  wise,  as  clear,  as  simple  in  the 
interpretation  of  democracy  as  their  forefathers 
were  in  that  of  liberty.  Shall  the  Church  of  God 
be  wise  enough,  and  devoted  enough,  and  fearless 
enough,  to  lead  the  people  of  God  to  realize  what 
has  been  purchased  with  blood  and  consecrated  by 
sacrifice? 

Now,  as  then,  self-interest  engenders  prejudice; 
prejudice  of  class  towards  other  classes,  of  crafts 
towards  other  crafts,  of  race  towards  other  races. 
All  the  prejudice  is  not  on  one  side;  but  no  white 
man.  with  an  eye  to  justice,  can  fail  to  admit  the 

227 


Wanted  - Leaders  ! 


Negro  has  far  the  greater  cause  for  his  prejudice. 

The  very  existence  of  different  crafts  and  classes, 
and  still  more  of  different  races  occupying  the  same 
national  home,  makes  problems.  The  only  solu- 
tion that  really  solves  is  Justice,  with  its  accompany- 
ing weight  in  the  balance — Mercy.  Without  the 
exercise  of  these,  no  class  or  race  could  hope  for 
continuous  life  or  persistent  growth.  Where  truth 
and  justice  meet  together,  righteousness  and  peace 
will  kiss  each  other  in  a brotherly,  harmonious  rela- 
tion, that  only  the  devil’s  lies  and  cruel  injustice 
ever  mar  and  distort. 

The  Negro  has  been  free  for  sixty  years  and 
more.  Building  upon  the  wonderfully  fine  founda- 
tion of  the  past  (in  spite  of  manifold  and  manifest 
flaws  in  its  making),  he  has  reared  racial  structures 
of  social,  commercial,  industrial  and  religious  life, 
that  command  respect  and  admiration.  The  credit 
belongs  to  both  races — to  the  Negro  himself,  but 
no  less  to  the  race  which  was  once  his  owner,  and 
whose  hand  is  clearly  seen  in  the  building. 

The  Negro  knows  even  better  than  his  white 
critics  how  faulty  a living  building  is  in  which  the 
majority  of  the  living  stones  are  still  rough,  un- 
polished, unsquared.  He  asks,  and  he  has  the  right 
which  God  gives  to  His  people  to  ask,  that,  as  a free 
man,  he  be  treated  as  a man;  that,  as  justice  is  the 
right  of  life,  he  be  accorded  it;  that,  as  a citizen, 
he  be  granted  the  rights  of  citizenship — the  equal 
right  of  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness; 
that  laws  governing  citizenship  be  applied  with  equal 
justice  to  Negroes  and  to  Whites. 

228 


What  of  the  Future? 


If  the  Church  of  God  (that  is,  her  members)  can 
bring  herself  to  stand  for  less  than  that,  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  find  ground  for  forgiveness  at  the  hands  of 
the  Son  of  Man  who  died  upon  the  Cross  for  the 
salvation  of  all. 

Of  course  there  is  a problem;  but  the  real  prob- 
lem is  not  how  to  escape  doing  justice,  but  how  to 
be  just  without  destroying  racial  integrity.  Race 
and  family  are  of  God’s  institution,  God’s  alone, 
and  their  respective  relations  are  of  His  making. 
Both  are  written  in  God’s  handwriting,  in  flesh  and 
blood;  not  in  man’s,  on  scraps  of  paper.  But  this 
phase  of  the  subject  is  exceedingly  large.  The 
apology  for  its  introduction  here,  is  to  be  found  in 
the  emphasis  which  it  seeks  to  lay  upon  the  ultimate 
purpose  of  education  and  training. 

When  one  considers  the  few  years  from  Emanci- 
pation, the  reflection  must  come  that  long,  long  steps 
forward  have  been  taken;  and  who  can  doubt  that 
where  unalloyed  interest  in  the  progress  of  the  black 
members  reigns  in  the  hearts  of  the  white,  the  guid- 
ance of  the  loving  Father  has  stayed  our  impatience? 
Who  can  doubt  that,  in  His  guiding  providence. 
He  will  deal  with  us  according  to  His  lovingkind- 
ness? 


229 


APPENDIX 


NOTE  A 

(Chapter  VI,  page  159) 

The  Hospital  was  the  result  of  the  devoted  work  of  the 
Rev.  Dr.  and  Mrs.  Hunter,  the  latter  making  this  her  special 
charge,  raising  most  of  the  funds,  and  keeping  them  separate 
from  those  of  the  School. 

The  earlier  Principals  of  the  School  itself  each  performed 
distinctive  services  which  won  the  affection  and  gratitude  of 
the  Church  in  North  Carolina.  The  Rev.  Dr.  J.  Brinton 
Smith  founded  the  school  in  his  five  years  of  service  from 
1867  to  1872.  The  Rev.  Dr.  John  E.  C.  Smede  nourished  it 
through  the  most  difficult  reconstruction  period,  1872  to  1884, 
when  tension  was  high,  and  when  sympathy  between  North 
and  South  and  White  and  Black  was  at  its  lowest  ebb.  The 
Rev.  Dr.  Robert  B.  Sutton,  1884-1891,  succeeded  to  an  atmos- 
phere of  relaxed  weariness  following  the  long  drawn-out  con- 
troversies over  the  “race  question,”  when  support  was  most 
difficult,  the  more  so  because  the  Church  had  no  settled  policy 
of  school  work  for  the  Negroes.  Each  had  a task  requiring 
all  his  fine  ability. 

It  is  no  reflection  on  others  (for  comparison  is  impossible 
where  the  times  and  tasks  were  so  distinct)  to  say  that  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Hunter’s  great  contribution  was  the  complete  re- 
organization of  the  educational  ideal  of  St.  Augustine’s,  and 
its  refounding  on  the  devoted  and  heroic  labors  of  his  prede- 
cessors. Dr.  Hunter’s  25  years  of  service  contributed  most 
powerfully  to  the  movement  which  made  the  Church  Institute 
possible,  as  well  as  to  the  present  strong  growth  toward  a 
solid  foundation  for  the  Christian  education  of  the  Negroes. 
He  became  Dr.  Sutton’s  assistant,  when  the  “modern  period” 
began.  Old  things  were  passing  away,  and  the  new  had  yet  to 

231 


Appendix 


be  fashioned.  The  modern  educational  system  was  just  be- 
ginning to  be  realized  in  the  South.  Dr.  Hunter  brought 
youth,  vigor  and  ability  to  the  task  not  only  of  justifying  the 
wisdom  of  the  fathers  but  of  fulfilling  the  office  of  the  wise 
steward  in  bringing  forth  old  and  new  treasures  to  enrich  the 
present  and  the  future.  He  was  ably  seconded  by  Mrs.  Hunter, 
and  by  his  assistant  who  is  now  Bishop  Delany. 

The  Rev.  Edgar  H.  Goold,  for  four  years  Dr.  Hunter’s 
assistant,  is  now  the  Principal.  He  is  a graduate  of  Amherst 
College  and  of  the  General  Theological  Seminary. 

NOTE  B 

(Chapter  VI,  page  159) 

James  Solomon  Russell  was  born  of  slave  parents  in  Meck- 
lenburg, Va.,  Dec.  20th,  1827.  The  name  Solomon  was  bestowed 
by  his  mother  with  the  prayer  that  the  little  one  would  inherit 
the  wisdom  of  his  namesake;  and  the  prayer  has  been  answered, 
for  this  boy  has  ripened  into  one  of  the  wisest  of  his  people. 
A war-boy,  his  early  years  were  subjected  to  the  privations 
of  the  general  poverty  of  the  times.  At  twelve  years  his 
schooling  began,  the  boy  paying  his  way  partly  by  selling 
butter  and  eggs,  and,  for  the  balance,  his  labor.  Hampton 
was  the  earthly  goal  of  the  young  colored  youths  of  that  time, 
and  Russell  attained  it.  From  Hampton  he  entered  Major 
Cooke’s  School  in  Petersburg,  and  graduated  from  the  theologi- 
cal department,  in  1882.  Upon  being  ordered  a deacon,  he  was 
at  once  appointed  missionary  to  Brunswick  and  Mecklenburg 
counties,  with  residence  at  Lawrenceville.  Within  eight  months 
he  brought  his  wife,  Miss  Virginia  M.  Morgan,  to  make  the 
happy  home  which  has  been  the  haven  of  the  busiest  man  of 
his  race  in  the  world,  with  the  exception  of  Dr.  Washington. 
Mrs.  Russell,  until  her  death  two  years  ago,  was  as  vital  to 
the  life  of  the  School  as  was  her  husband.  In  1917,  the 
Virginia  Seminary  conferred  the  Degree  of  Doctor  of  Divinity 
on  Mr.  Russell,  the  first  person  of  color  to  receive  this  honor 
so  rarely  bestowed  upon  anyone  by  that  venerable  Seminary. 
Once  has  Dr.  Russell  declined  election  to  the  Episcopate,  and 

232 


Appendix 


once  again  to  have  his  name  presented.  He  felt  the  urge  of 
duty  too  strongly  at  Lawrenceville  to  allow  himself  to  be 
diverted.  For  many  years  he  has  been  Archdeacon  of  South- 
ern Virginia,  and  the  most  conspicuously  wise  leader  among  the 
400,000  Negroes  of  the  Diocese. 

As  a deacon,  he  opened  a school  in  the  vestry-room  of  the 
little  church  built  by  his  own  efforts.  Mrs.  Russell  and  him- 
self were  the  teachers.  The  population  was  88  per  cent  illiterate, 
and  correspondingly  prejudiced  and  superstitious.  The  story 
of  the  transformation  is  a romance  of  absorbing  interest.  The 
teacher  was  a travelling  missionary,  without  other  means  than 
nature  had  provided  for  transporting  himself  over  great  dis- 
tances. He  pleaded  for  a horse  before  the  Diocesan  Convention. 
“Let’s  give  Brother  Russell  a horse,”  was  the  response,  and 
“Ida”  became  as  well  known  as  Russell  himself  over  two  large 
“black-belt”  counties.  So  Russell  and  Ida  became  the  mission- 
ary team,  each  producing  fruit  after  its  kind.  The  Arch- 
deacon’s pupils  became  scouts  and  recruits  in  the  forward  army 
against  sin  and  ignorance ; Ida’s  colts  increased  the  transporta- 
tion facilities  of  workers. 

In  the  midst  of  besetting  difficulties,  the  young  priest  found 
a steady  sympathetic  helper  in  Mrs.  Buford  whose  daughter 
became  the  wife  of  the  late  Bishop  of  East  Carolina.  She  had 
started  a hospital  for  infirm  colored  people,  and  now  extended 
her  interest  to  the  school. 


NOTE  C 

(Chapter  VII,  page  180) 

The  Methodist  Bishop,  William  Capers,  father  of  the  late 
Bishop  of  South  Carolina  and  grandfather  of  the  Bishop  of 
West  Texas,  gave  much  of  his  life  to  the  Negro.  No  better 
witness  can  be  found  of  the  power  of  Jesus  Christ  over  the 
life  of  those  Negroes  whom  He  specially  called.  These  samples 
from  Bishop  Capers’  Autobiography  are  selected,  his  descrip- 
tion regretfully  abridged : 

“The  most  remarkable  man  in  Fayetteville  (N.  C.)  when 
I went  there,  and  who  died  during  my  stay,  was  a Negro  by 

233 


Appendix 


the  name  of  Henry  Evans.  I say  the  most  remarkable  in  view 
of  his  class;  and  I call  him  Negro  with  unfeigned  respect. 
The  name  simply  designates  the  race,  and  it  is  vulgar  to  regard 
it  with  opprobrium.  I have  known  and  loved  and  honored 
not  a few  Negroes  in  my  lifetime,  who  were  probably  as  pure 
of  heart  as  Evans,  or  anybody  else.  Such  were  my  old  friends, 
Castile  Selby  and  John  Boquet,  of  Charleston;  Will  Camp- 
bell and  Harry  Myrick,  of  Wilmington;  York  Cohen,  of 
Savannah ; and  others  I might  name.  These  I might  call 
remarkable  for  their  goodness.  But  I use  the  word  in  a 
broader  sense  for  Henry  Evans,  who  was  confessedly  the 
father  of  the  Methodist  Church,  black  and  white,  in  Fayette- 
ville, and  the  best  preacher  of  his  time  in  that  quarter ; and 
who  was  so  remarkable,  as  to  have  become  the  greatest 
curiosity  of  the  town;  insomuch  that  distinguished  visitors 
hardly  felt  that  they  might  pass  a Sunday  in  Fayetteville 
without  hearing  him  preach.” 

Henry  Evans  was  a shoemaker  in  Virginia,  licensed  to 
preach  by  the  Methodists.  Being  free,  he  decided  to  move  to 
Charleston.  On  the  way,  Fayetteville  detained  him.  His 
spirit  was  stirred  at  perceiving  the  ungodliness  of  his  people. 
There  was  no  religion  of  any  denomination,  so  Evans  began 
preaching  to  his  people.  The  Town  Council  objected,  and  he 
withdrew  to  the  sandhills  nearby.  The  results  upon  the  chang- 
ing lives  were  notable.  Evans  explained  his  motives  to  the 
authorities;  and  this,  with  the  fruits  of  his  work,  won  the 
day;  he  was  allowed  the  liberty  of  the  town.  Mistresses  and 
masters,  powerfully  influenced  by  the  great  improvement  in 
their  servants,  began  to  attend  the  Services.  They  built  a 
frame  structure  for  the  preaching,  with  seats  for  the  Whites 
and  a projection  for  Evans’  home.  It  became  too  small  and 
was  enlarged,  for  the  Whites  now  occupied  all  of  the  original 
building,  the  Negroes  the  addition.  “That,”  continues  Bishop 
Capers,  “was  the  identical  state  of  the  case  when  I was  pastor. 
Often  was  I in  that  shed,  and  much  to  my  edification.  I have 
known  not  many  preachers  who  appeared  more  conversant 
with  Scripture  than  Evans,  and  whose  conversation  was  more 
instructive  as  to  the  things  of  God.  He  seemed  always 

234 


Appendix 


deeply  impressed  with  the  responsibility  of  his  position;  and 
not  even  our  old  friend  Castile  was  more  remarkable  for  his 
humble  and  deferential  deportment  towards  the  Whites  than 
Evans  was.  Nor  would  he  allow  any  partiality  of  his  friends 
to  induce  him  to  vary,  in  the  least  degree,  the  line  of  conduct 
or  the  bearing  which  he  had  prescribed  for  himself  in  this 
respect ; never  speaking  to  a white  man  but  with  his  hat  under 
his  arm,  never  allowing  himself  to  be  seated  in  their  houses; 
and  even  confining  himself  to  the  kind  and  manner  of  dress 
proper  for  Negroes  in  general,  except  his  plain  black  coat  for 
the  pulpit.  ‘The  Whites  are  kind  to  me,  and  come  to  hear  me 
preach ; but  I belong  to  my  own  sort,  and  must  not  spoil  them.’ 
And  yet,  Henry  Evans  was  a Boanerges;  and,  in  his  duty, 
feared  not  the  face  of  man.” 

He  died,  Mr.  Capers  ministering  to  him,  in  1810,  his  last 
breath  drawn  in  the  act  of  pronouncing,  “Thanks  be  to  God 
Which  giveth  us  the  victory  through  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.” 

Bishop  Capers  continues : “On  the  Sunday  before  Evans’ 
death,  during  this  meeting,  the  little  door  between  his  humble 
shed  and  the  chancel  where  I stood,  was  open;  and  the  dying 
man  entered  for  a last  farewell  to  his  people.  He  was  almost 
too  feeble  to  stand  at  all,  but  supporting  himself  by  the  railing 
of  the  chancel  he  said,  ‘I  have  come  to  say  my  last  word  to 
you.  It  is  this : None  but  Christ.  Three  times  I have  had 
my  life  in  jeopardy  for  preaching  the  Gospel  to  you.  Three 
times  I have  broken  the  ice  on  the  edge  of  the  water  and  swum 
across  the  Cape  Fear  to  preach  the  Gospel  to  you.  And  now, 
if  in  my  last  hour,  I could  trust  to  that,  or  to  anything  else 
but  to  Christ  crucified  for  my  salvation,  all  would  be  lost,  and 
my  soul  perish  forever.’  A noble  testimony,  worthy,  not  of 
Evans  only,  but  of  Saint  Paul  1 His  funeral  at  the  church  was 
attended  by  a greater  concourse  of  persons  than  had  been  seen 
on  any  funeral  occasion  before.  The  whole  community  appeared 
to  mourn  his  death,  and  the  universal  feeling  seemed  to  be 
that,  in  honoring  the  memory  of  Henry  Evans,  we  were  pay- 
ing a tribute  to  virtue  and  religion.  He  was  buried  under  the 
chancel  of  the  church  of  which  he  had  been  in  so  remarkable  a 
manner  the  founder.” 


235 


Appendix 


Henry  Evans  was  of  the  literate  class;  not  educated  in  the 
sense  of  this  day,  but  of  his  day,  when  the  Bible  was  far  more 
the  book  of  Christian  people  than  it  is  now;  and  Henry  Evans 
was  “wiser  than  his  teachers.” 

NOTE  D 

(Chapter  VII,  page  185) 

Attention  may  be  called  to  two  notable  negro  leaders  of 
the  early  Nineteenth  Century. 

The  Rev.  William  Douglass,  the  son  of  a blacksmith,  born 
in  Baltimore  in  1805,  made  his  way  into  the  Methodist  min- 
istry. While  at  work  on  the  Eastern  Shore,  he  sought  episcopal 
orders,  and  was  ordained  by  Bishop  Stone  in  St.  Stephen’s, 
Cecil  County.  “In  the  evening,”  wrote  the  Bishop,  “the  church 
was  given  up  to  the  Colored  People,  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Doug- 
lass preached  to  them  an  interesting  sermon.”  This  was  on 
June  22,  1834.  The  same  year  he  was  called  to  St.  Thomas’ 
African  Church,  Philadelphia,  which,  since  the  death,  in  1818, 
of  its  founder,  the  Rev.  Absalom  Jones,  had  been  served  by  one 
and  another  of  the  white  rectors  of  the  city.  On  February 
14,  1836,  Mr.  Douglass  was  advanced  to  the  priesthood.  Bishop 
Onderdonk  who  officiated,  wrote,  “Mr.  Douglass  is  a man  of 
color.  I take  the  opportunity  of  recording  my  very  high  esti- 
mate of  his  highly  respectable  intellect  and  most  amiable 
qualities  which  entirely  relieved  my  mind,  in  his  case,  from 
the  anxieties  that  I had  long  felt  in  regard  to  this  department 
of  episcopal  duty.  He  ministers  to  a congregation  entirely  at 
unity  in  itself,  much  attached  to  him,  and  improving  under  his 
pastoral  care  in  principles  and  duties  of  our  common  Chris- 
tianity.” 

Mr.  Douglass  became  a leader  of  power  among  his  race. 
Bishop  Alonzo  Potter,  in  announcing  his  death  to  the  Conven- 
tion of  1862,  said,  “It  hath  pleased  the  Lord  to  call  away  from 
the  Church  Militant  the  Rev.  William  Douglass,  rector  of  St. 
Thomas’  African  Church,  in  this  city,  where  he  has  ministered 
for  the  last  twenty-seven  years — a man  of  great  modesty,  of 
ripe  scholarship,  and  of  much  more  than  ordinary  talents  and 
prudence.  He  is,  as  far  as  I am  informed,  the  only  clergy- 

236 


Appendix 


man  of  unmixed  African  descent,  who,  in  this  country,  has 
published  work  of  considerable  magnitude.  In  two  volumes, 
one  of  sermons  and  one  a history  of  St.  Thomas’  Church,  he 
has  vindicated  his  right  to  appear  among  our  respected  divines. 
As  a reader  of  the  Liturgy  he  was  unsurpassed.” 

The  Rev.  Alexander  Crummell,  D.  D.,  was  born  in  New 
York  in  1819.  He  was  early  baptized  by  the  Rev.  Peter  Wil- 
liams of  St.  Philip’s  Church,  under  whom  he  was  trained  in 
the  Church’s  ways.  In  early  manhood  he  applied  for  Orders. 
The  General  Theological  Seminary  declined  to  admit  Negroes 
as  students  at  that  time,  and  Crummell  was  prepared  for  ordina- 
tion in  Boston.  In  1842,  he  was  ordained  by  Bishop  Griswold. 
Dr.  Clark,  later  Bishop  of  Rhode  Island,  was  one  of  the  exam- 
iners. and  years  afterwards  the  impression  then  strongly  made 
was  thus  recorded : “I  was  appointed,  with  the  late  Rev.  Dr. 
William  Croswell,  to  examine  young  Crummell  when  he 
applied  for  deacon's  orders  in  the  Diocese  of  Massachusetts ; 
and  I remember  that  Dr.  Croswell  afterwards  remarked  to  me 
that  no  candidate  for  the  ministry  had  ever  passed  through  his 
hands  who  had  given  him  more  entire  satisfaction.”  After  a 
brief  year  in  Providence,  R.  I.,  Mr.  Crummell  answered  the 
earnest  call  then  coming  from  Liberia,  and  threw  in  his  life 
with  his  colored  brethren  there.  He  was  at  once  missionary, 
teacher,  and  the  trainer  of  the  theological  students.  Once  he 
left  Liberia  for  a stay  in  England,  and  returned  with  a Cam- 
bridge degree.  After  the  Civil  War,  he  returned  to  America, 
and,  in  Washington,  founded  St.  Luke’s  Church,  whose  corner- 
stone Bishop  Pinckney  laid  in  1876.  For  more  than  twenty 
years  he  was  its  rector. 

No  man  of  the  race  in  his  day  was  more  worthily  esteemed, 
or  more  worthy  of  it,  than  Alexander  Crummell,  and  none 
more  truly  an  apostle  of  his  Lord. 

NOTE  E 

(Chapter  VII,  page  185) 

The  Colony  of  Georgia  affords  another  interesting  illustra- 
tion. It  was  the  result  of  James  Oglethorpe’s  venture  in 

237 


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colonizing  debtor-prisoners  and  other  unfortunates,  a move- 
ment characterized  as  “the  beginning  of  modern  philanthropy,” 
and  giving  an  opportunity  to  those  noted  missionaries  of  the 
Church  of  England,  John  and  Charles  Wesley  and  George 
Whitfield.  Slavery  was  to  be  forbidden  in  the  colony;  but 
circumstances  proved  too  strong.  Rice  was  the  staple  crop, 
the  waters  formed  its  congenial  home,  and  the  Negroes — who 
else  could  so  well  subdue  the  swamps  and  make  them  produc- 
tive? The  result  was  inevitable.  Georgia  conformed  to  the 
general  policy  of  her  sister  colonies. 

As  philanthropy  was  the  motive,  so  religion  was  the  ani- 
mating spirit,  of  the  new  colony.  Accordingly  John  and 
Charles  Wesley  were  among  the  first  colonists.  The  former 
established  Christ  Church  Parish,  Savannah,  which  was  later 
divided,  allowing  the  formation  of  Christ  Church  Parish, 
Frederica,  named  for  the  Savannah  mother-church,  Charles 
Wesley  being  its  first  rector,  in  1736.  These  were  deadly 
pioneer  days,  and  rectors  came  thick  and  fast  as  predecessors 
were  driven  out,  sometimes  by  political  influence,  most  often 
by  climatic. 

Charles  Wesley  remained  a year,  and  then  John,  his  brother, 
assumed  the  charge  of  both  parishes,  making  his  way  to 
Frederica  on  foot,  trusting,  for  the  crossing  of  the  large  rivers, 
to  the  passing  canoes  of  the  friendly  Indians.  “The  fact  of 
these  visits  to  Frederica  has  been  questioned,”  writes  the  Rev. 
D.  W.  Winn,  the  present  rector,  “but  the  writer  has  seen  Wes- 
ley’s own  diary  in  which  he  tells  how  he  fell  into  the  water 
from  a small  boat  while  embarking  from  Frederica,  and  the 
leaves  of  the  diary  showed  the  marks  of  the  water.”  Mr. 
Winn,  the  descendant  of  the  sister  of  those  first  missionaries, 
Charles  and  John  Wesley,  and  fourteenth  rector  in  succession 
from  them,  has  had  more  than  ordinary  interest  in  the  labors 
of  his  predecessors  and  in  the  knowledge  of  them.  George 
Whitfield  succeeded  the  Wesleys  in  1737  or  ’38;  and,  after  them, 
three  other  missionaries  of  the  period  of  establishment.  The 
last,  the  Rev.  Bartholomew  Zorabuhler,  was  also  the  first  of  the 
line  of  permanent  workers,  serving  from  1746  to  1766.  Fred- 
erica, the  chief  centre  of  negro  missions,  furnishes  our  sample 

238 


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for  the  study  of  this  early  work  in  Georgia.  The  English 
Church  Commissary,  succeeding  Commissary  Bray  for  a part 
of  the  period,  was  the  Rev.  J.  Ottolonghe,  who  made  his  head- 
quarters in  Savannah,  and  directed  the  Church’s  enterprises  in 
the  colony. 

Happily  we  have  access  to  some  of  the  early  reports  of  the 
Commissary  describing  the  negro  work,  these  being  kindly  fur- 
nished by  the  Rev.  James  Lawrence,  present  historiographer 
of  the  Diocese.  These  are  written  with  punctilious  regard  to 
the  picturesquely  bad  spelling  of  the  days  of  “Bloody  Mary” 
and  “Good  Queen  Bess,”  one  line  only,  in  original,  is  here 
inflicted;  it  is  dated  Dec.  5,  1751.  “In  my  last  sent  you  by 
ye  Charming  Martha  I took  ye  liberty  to  acquaint  you  with 
my  safe  arrival  in  Georgia.”  The  lonely  Commissary  takes 
large  liberty  in  thus  addressing  his  home-superiors  through  the 
intermediary,  not  of  a charming  spinster,  but  of  a boat  whose 
picture  would  belie  the  description ; and  he  notes,  in  appropriate 
capitals,  his  arrival,  safe  from  peril,  to  which  a good  20  per 
cent  of  the  adventurers  of  the  time  fell  victims. 

The  letter  proceeds : “As  soon  as  the  Fatigue  of  the 
Voyage  permitted  it,  I desired  Reverend  Zouberbuyler  (Zora- 
buhler,  Mr.  Winn  says ; but  what  matters  such  a liberty  with 
names  among  friends?)  that  he  would  be  so  good  as  to  give 
the  people  notice  in  the  Church  that  I would  instruct  their 
Negroes  three  days  in  the  week,  viz. : Sundays,  Tuesdays  and 
Thursdays,  which  he  accordingly  did,  and  that  I might  make 
it  easier  to  the  Masters  of  these  unhappy  Creatures,  I have 
appointed  the  Time  of  their  coming  to  me  to  be  at  Night, 
when  their  daily  Labour  is  done.  When  we  meet,  I make  them 
go  to  Prayers  with  me,  having  composed  for  the  purpose  a few 
Prayers,  suitable  (I  hope)  to  the  Occasion.  Having  thus  rec- 
ommended Ourselves  to  the  Protection  of  Heaven,  and  for  his 
Blessing  on  our  Undertaking;  I instruct  them  to  Reade,  that 
they  may  be  able  in  Time  to  comfort  themselves  in  reading  the 
Book  of  God.  After  this  is  done,  I make  them  repeat  the 
Lord’s  Prayer  and  the  Belief,  and  a Short  Portion  of  the 
Catechism,  explaining  to  them  in  as  easie  and  Familiar  a 
manner  as  I can  the  Meaning  of  what  they  repeat,  and  before 

239 


Appendix 


I part  with  them,  I make  a Discourse  to  them  on  the  Being  of 
God,  or  the  Life  and  Death  of  our  adorable  Redeemer,  or 
upon  some  of  ye  Precepts  of  the  Holy  Gospel,  generally  intro- 
ducing some  Event  or  Story,  taken  out  of  the  Bible,  suitable 
to  the  Discourse  in  Hand ; and  in  order  to  get  their  Love,  I 
use  them  with  all  the  Kindness  and  endearing  Words  that  I 
am  capable  of,  which  makes  them  willing  to  come  to  me  and 
ready  to  follow  my  advice,  and  as  Rewards  are  Springs  that  set 
less  selfish  minds  than  these  unhappy  Creatures  possess,  on 
Motion,  I have  therefore  promised  to  reward  the  Industrious 
and  Diligent,  and  Hope  through  Christ’s  Grace,  that  ’twill 
have  its  due  Effect.  These  then,  Dear  Sir,  are  the  Methods, 
these  the  Path,  that  I have  chalked  out  in  order  to  discharge 
my  Duty.  If  right  and  agreeable  to  your  better  Judgement, 
I shall  continue  in  them ; if  not,  I shall  be  very  ready  to  put 
in  Practice  any  other  Method,  which  you  shall  please  to  pre- 
scribe.” 

As  the  efforts  expand  and  the  field  is  enlarged,  new  diffi- 
culties are  met.  In  1754,  the  Commissary  has  pushed  out 
among  the  new  arrivals.  A more  stable  government  had 
encouraged  the  expansion  of  planting  interests.  There  were 
great  difficulties  to  be  met  in  reaching  the  Negroes  of  the 
new  expansions.  ‘‘Our  Negroes,”  he  writes,  referring  to  the 
new  plantations,  “are  so  ignorant  of  the  English  language,  and 
none  can  be  found  to  talk  in  their  own,  that  it  is  a great  while 
before  you  can  get  them  to  understand  what  the  meaning  of 
Words  is.  Again  Slavery  is  certainly  a great  Depresser  of 
the  Mind,  which  retards  their  learning  a new  Religion  pro- 
posed to  them  in  a new  and  unknown  Language,  besides  the 
superstitions  of  a false  religion  to  be  combatted  with,  and 
nothing  harder  to  be  removed  (you  know)  than  Prejudices  of 
Education,  riveted  by  Time  and  intrenched  in  deep  Ignorance.” 
So  there  was  anguish  of  heart  all  along  the  line. 

In  1858,  the  Commissary’s  letter  clearly  infers  another  peril 
to  his  efforts  growing  out  of  the  quarrels  of  Christian  denom- 
inations. A Church-Bill  was  presented  to  the  Assembly  seeking 
to  better  the  conditions  of  the  Slaves  in  all  ways  possible.  But 
the  Assembly  was  composed  of  a large  majority  of  Dissenters, 

240 


Appendix 


and  the  bill  was  presented  by  Church  of  England  representa- 
tives— fair  ground  apparently  for  religions  disputes  which  lost 
sight  of  bill,  of  Negroes,  of  religion  and  of  justice. 

It  was  the  age  of  materialism  which,  as  Professor  Brawley 
says,  “defeated  the  benevolence  of  Oglethorpe’s  scheme  for 
the  founding  of  Georgia,”  and  against  which  the  Church  bat- 
tled, not  only  on  behalf  of  the  slaves,  but  for  the  very  life 
of  religion.  A difficult  battle  it  was  when  self-interest  was  all 
arrayed  on  the  side  of  materialism. 

In  his  evident  great  zeal  and  anxiety,  the  Commissary  was 
warmly  followed  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Zorabuhler  of  Frederica, 
under  whom  that  parish  was  fixed  to  include  the  “Town  of 
Frederica,  with  the  islands  of  Great  and  Little  St.  Simon’s, 
and  the  adjacent  islands,”  and  the  name  changed  to  St.  James’. 

Throughout  the  Revolutionary  period,  the  Missions  were 
probably  served  from  Savannah.  Recovery  from  the  disasters 
of  war  was  very  slow,  and  it  was  not  until  after  the  consecra- 
tion of  Bishop  Elliott,  in  1841,  that  the  Church  became  organ- 
ized for  work.  Only  three  clergymen  were  in  Georgia  to 
organize  the  primary  Convention  of  the  Diocese,  in  1823. 

In  his  first  address  to  this  Convention,  Bishop  Elliott  said : 
“The  religious  instruction  of  our  domestics,  and  of  the  Negroes 
upon  plantations,  is  a subject  that  never  should  be  passed  over 
in  the  address  of  a Southern  Bishop.”  Six  years  later,  he 
enlarged  upon  what  he  deemed  to  be  a worthy  ministry  to 
them.  He  spoke  from  experience. 

“During  the  last  week,  I visited  the  mission  upon  the  north 
side  of  the  Ogeeche  River,  under  the  charge  of  the  Rev. 
William  C.  Williams.  A neat  country  church  has  been  erected 
by  some  of  the  planters  of  that  side  of  the  river,  which  was 
sufficiently  completed  for  service  but  not  for  consecration. 
I officiated  in  it  on  Sunday,  the  18th  of  April,  when  eight 
candidates  were  presented  for  Confirmation,  the  first  fruits 
of  the  earnest  labor  of  their  missionary.  Mr.  Williams  is 
pursuing  the  only  plan  that  will  be  of  any  service  with  this 
class  of  our  population,  identifying  himself  with  their  spiritual 
condition,  and  going  in  and  out  among  them  as  their  pastor  and 
guide.  It  is  my  earnest  hope  that  our  Episcopal  planters  will 

16  241 


Appendix 


take  this  matter  into  consideration,  and  make  arrangements  for 
the  employment  of  missionaries  of  their  own  Church,  so  that 
Masters  and  Servants  may  worship  together  in  unity  of  spirit 
and  in  the  bond  of  peace.  It  would  tend  very  much  to 
strengthen  the  relation  of  Masters  and  Servants,  by  bringing 
into  action  the  highest  and  holiest  feelings  of  our  common 
nature.  There  should  be  much  less  danger  of  inhumanity  on  the 
one  side,  and  of  insubordination  on  the  other,  between  parties 
who  knelt  upon  the  Lord’s  day  around  the  same  Table  and 
were  partakers  of  the  same  Communion.” 

The  Ogeeche  Mission  has  an  interesting  history  of  con- 
tinuous life  from  1847  to  the  present  day.  It  is  ten  miles  from 
Savannah  in  the  heart  of  the  then  great  rice  fields,  where  two 
Churches — St.  Mark’s  the  first,  and  still  used,  and  St.  Barn- 
abas’, now  decayed — were  built.  The  Negroes  were  utterly 
illiterate,  and  remained  so  until  about  1890,  when  Mr.  Dodge 
built  a school,  and  the  younger  ones  were  taught.  The  Ser- 
vices were  committed  to  memory  by  that  very  large  congrega- 
tion, and  the  responses  were,  and  are,  “as  the  sound  of  many 
waters”;  the  singing,  like  a great  organ.  No  instrument  was 
used.  The  “dark”  for  about  fifty  years  was  a very  big,  com- 
manding, black  member  with  magnificent  voice,  who,  at  the 
proper  time  for  chant  or  hymn,  stood  before  the  congregation, 
sounded  the  note,  raised  the  tune,  and  both  led  and  inspired  the 
singers.  The  habit  still  continues. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Winn,  for  a long  time  their  rector,  wrote 
this  tribute  in  November,  1921.  “They  knew  the  Service  and 
took  part  in  a way  to  make  one’s  heart  glow,  and  which  would 
put  any  white  city  congregation  to  shame.  To  minister  to 
and  - among  them  was  an  inspiration,  even  though  physical 
conditions  as  to  locomotion,  etc.,  were  trying.  I have  dealt 
with  Negroes  from  the  time  of  my  ‘black  Mammy’  Molinda, 
who  was  ‘no  common  nigger’  but  a ‘Molly  glossy  nigger,’  having 
come  from  Madagascar ; but  while  I could  understand  anything 
said  to  me  while  looking  the  speaker  in  the  face  and  paying 
close  attention,  yet,  when  one  of  them  spoke  to  another,  it  was 
mostly  an  unknown  tongue  to  me. 

242 


Appendix 


“Bishop  Nelson,  late  of  Georgia,  said  that  a Service  among 
those  rice-field  Negroes  was  the  most  splendid  thing  he  ever 
experienced.  That  was  my  experience  also;  for,  excepting  the 
great  procession  and  Service  at  the  laying  of  the  corner-stone 
of  the  Washington  Cathedral,  some  eighteen  years  ago,  there 
has  not  been,  in  my  41  years  of  ministry,  any  approach  to  the 
joy  of  a Service  among  those  Negroes.  It  was  not  merely 
enthusiasm — I could  arouse  that  among  any  congregation  of 
Negroes — it  was  apprehension,  appreciation,  and  the  outpouring 
of  the  soul.” 

There  is  perhaps  no  congregation  in  the  South  upon  which 
the  ravages  of  war  had  so  little  effect.  Later  changes  have 
greatly  reduced  their  number,  but  the  old  habits  remain  The 
offering  is  still,  in  part,  eggs  or  other  farm  produce  as 
reverently  offered  as  the  money  and  coins  in  the  silver  alms- 
basins  of  the  city-church. 

The  reports  of  Georgia  parishes  in  I860,  show  that  prac- 
tically all  were  ministering  to  the  Negroes.  In  addition  to  the 
extended  work  of  Frederica  Parish  and  St.  Mark’s,  Ogeeche, 
St.  Stephen’s  Chapel,  Savannah,  had  been  established  in  ’56, 
especially  for  the  Negroes,  and  was  the  base  of  mission-work 
on  nearby  plantations. 

NOTE  F 

(Chapter  VII,  page  185) 

Regarding  the  instruction  in  religion  given  to  the  Negroes 
by  their  white  owners,  the  following  may  be  of  interest. 

It  is  only  occasionally  that  one  finds  a record  like  this : 
“In  1712  the  Rev.  Gilbert  Jones  was  Rector  of  Christ  Church 
Parish.  He  felt  a great  interest  in  the  spiritual  welfare  of 
the  Negroes,  and  endeavored  to  persuade  their  owners  to 
assist  in  having  them  instructed  in  the  Christian  faith;  but  he 
found  this  good  work  lay  under  difficulties  as  yet  insuperable.” 

Generally  the  testimony  is  most  favorable  and  encouraging, 
as,  for  example,  “The  Rev.  William  Taylor  wrote  to  the 
Society  in  1713,  stating  that  Mrs.  Haig  and  Mrs.  Edwards, 
who  lately  came  to  the  plantations  in  Carolina,  have  taken 

243 


Appendix 


extraordinary  pains  to  instruct  a considerable  number  of 
Negroes  in  the  principles  of  the  Christian  religion,  and  to 
reclaim  and  reform  them.  The  wonderful  success  they  met 
with  in  about  six  months,  encouraged  me  to  go  and  examine 
the  Negroes  about  their  knowledge  in  Christianity.  They 
declared  to  me  their  faith  in  the  chief  articles  of  our  religion, 
which  they  sufficiently  explained.  They  rehearsed  by  heart, 
very  distinctly,  the  Creed,  the  Lord's  Prayer,  and  the  Ten 
Commandments.  Fourteen  of  them  gave  me  so  great  satis- 
faction, and  were  so  desirous  to  be  baptized,  that  I thought  it 
my  duty  to  do  it  on  the  last  Lord’s  Day.  I doubt  not  but  these 
gentlewomen  will  prepare  the  rest  of  them  for  Baptism  in  a 
little  time,  and  I hope  their  good  example  will  provoke  some 
masters  and  mistresses  to  take  the  same  care  and  pains  with 
their  poor  Negroes.” 


NOTE  G 

(Chapter  VII,  page  186 ) 

About  1834,  an  unknown  writer,  in  South  Carolina  (a 
journal  published  by  the  State  Agricultural  Department)  makes 
this  significant  statement  which  is  strong  testimony  to  the 
advancement  of  the  race:  ‘‘Despite  the  injunction,  ‘Judge  not,’ 
it  has  been  asserted  that  the  morality  of  the  Negroes  is  not 
in  proportion  to  their  religious  fervor.  A class,  marked  as 
distinctly  by  their  inferior  social  position  as  they  are  by  race, 
invites  such  charges  which  are  far  more  sweeping  than  just. 
If  morality  be  the  fruit  of  religion,  it  is  not  surprising  (won- 
derful as  the  progress  of  the  African  in  South  Carolina  has 
been)  that  morality  has  not,  in  one  century  and  a half,  attained 
the  maturity,  among  the  colored  race,  which  has  been  the  result 
of  nearly  nineteen  centuries  of  Christian  teachings  to  the 
European.  Nevertheless,  it  would  be  a great  mistake  to  sup- 
pose that  any  people  exhibit  in  a higher  degree  that  instinctive 
faith  in  the  existence  of  absolute  justice,  truth,  and  goodness, 
which  marks  the  capacity  of  human  nature  alike  for  religion 
and  for  morality,  than  do  the  colored  people  of  this  State.” 

244 


Appendix 


NOTE  H 

(Chapter  VII,  page  186) 

“Resolved,  1,  That  it  is  unnecessary  at  present  for  this 
body  to  take  measures  for  the  formation  of  any  fund  for 
supporting  Missionaries  to  the  colored  people ; it  being  under- 
stood that  the  difficulty  is  rather  to  obtain  the  missionaries, 
than  the  means  of  supporting  them. 

. 5.  That  this  Convention  have  heard,  with  great 
satisfaction,  of  the  employment,  by  proprietors  of  estates  on 
the  Wateree  and  in  Prince  Williams  Parish,  of  Missionaries 
of  our  Church,  for  the  religious  instruction  of  their  colored 
people.” 

And  the  reason  is  significantly,  though  perhaps  uncon- 
sciously, given  in  these  two  extracts  from  the  same  issue : 

“Wateree  Mission — 94  colored  communicants.  A decided 
religious  influence  prevails  among  the  Negroes,  for  many  are 
acting  on  principles  but  recently  known  to  them.  Sunday 
services  on  plantation,  45  times.” 


NOTE  I 

(Chapter  VII,  page  189) 

From  the  many  who  wrought  devotedly  and  mightily  and 
lovingly  among  the  plantation  Negroes,  there  stand  out  a few 
men  whom  their  contemporaries  would  have  singled  out  for 
peculiar  honors.  And  it  surely  is  a peculiar  honor  to  merit 
note  among  the  able  spirits  who  formed  the  staff  of  mis- 
sionaries; for  the  Church  entrusted  the  spiritual  care  of  the 
Negro  to  her  ablest  and  best.  Among  them  all,  the  Rev. 
Alexander  Glennie,  rector  of  All  Saints,  Waccamaw,  1832- 
1866,  must  hold  a place  all  his  own  in  the  annals  of  time  For 
thirty-four  years  he  was  the  shepherd  of  the  negro  folds  of 
the  Waccamaw  area.  During  those  years  the  needs  of  his 
flock;  the  wise  way  to  provide  them;  their  capacity,  intellectual 
and  spiritual ; the  food  needful  for  soul  sustenance ; the  social 
cravings,  and  how  to  provide  wholesome  gratifications — all 

245 


Appendix 


these,  and  more,  were  Mr.  Glennie’s  life  study,  and  that  of 
his  life-long  friend  and  co-worker,  Mr.  Plowden  Weston,  of 
Hagley  Plantation,  the  seat  of  the  largest  single  mission  in 
the  field. 

Gaining  completely  and  very  early  the  confidence  of 
planters  and  servants,  Mr.  Glennie  labored  in  a vast  field, 
restricted  only  by  his  powers  of  endurance,  which  were  enor- 
mous. As  plantations,  one  after  another,  came  under  his  care, 
chapels  were  built  and  filled  with  well-instructed  members  and 
catechumens.  By  about  1845,  in  addition  to  teachers  and  cate- 
chists in  large  numbers,  an  Assistant  Minister  was  employed, 
and,  two  years  later,  two.  His  sermons  to  the  Negroes,  pub- 
lished with  an  introduction  by  himself,  are  marvels  of  beautiful 
simplicity,  the  high  art  of  the  perfect  teacher.  In  reading  his 
Good  Friday  sermon,  the  wonder  is  how  so  great  and  so 
marvelous  a mystery  could  be  so  truly  and  beautifully  unfolded 
in  a wealth  of  one  and  two-syllable  words.  And  the  blessed 
story  loses  absolutely  nothing  from  the  simplicity  of  the  telling. 

In  him  were  combined  the  art  of  the  teacher  and  the 
tending  care  of  the  shepherd.  “My  habit  is,”  he  writes,  “after 
concluding  the  Service,  to  question  the  people  assembled  upon 
the  sermon  they  have  just  heard,  which  enables  me  to  dwell 
more  at  large  upon  matters  briefly  touched  upon  in  the  sermon. 
This  practice,  and  the  frequent  use  of  our  Church  Catechism, 
is,  I need  scarcely  say,  the  most  important  part  of  the  duty 
of  those  engaged  in  the  instruction  of  Negroes.”  We  might 
add,  in  the  better  instruction  of  anybody. 

NOTE  J 

(Chapter  VII,  page  191) 

Similar  to  the  work  of  Mr.  Glennie  and  of  Mr.  Weston 
(after  whom  Weston  Chapel  was  named)  was  that  of  Mr. 
Drayton. 

The  Rev.  J.  G.  Drayton  was  both  a clergyman  and  a 
planter,  his  plantation  being  the  far-famed  “Magnolia”  in  St. 
Andrew’s  Parish,  of  which  he  was  rector.  Besides  Magnolia 

246 


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chapel  built  by  him,  he  ministered  regularly  for  many  years 
from  about  1850,  to  two  other  chapels  for  the  Negroes — 
Barker’s  and  Magwood’s,  in  the  same  parish.  From  a letter  of 
a descendant  of  Mr.  Drayton’s,  these  extracts  are  quoted  rather 
freely: 

“In  looking  back  to  them,  I now  realize  how  out  of  the 
ordinary  these  Services  were;  how  beautiful  the  feeling  exist- 
ing between  the  priest  and  his  people;  how  simple,  sweet,  and 
uplifting  it  all  was — even  to  a little  child — to  sit  there  listening 
to  his  words,  feeling  that  greater  love  through  his  love.  The 
picture  of  him  that  I carry  in  my  memory  I wish  that  I might 
send  to  you.  One  cannot  put  an  influence  into  words.  His 
face  during  the  prayers;  the  high,  weird  singing  of  the  Negroes 
in  the  familiar  hymns ; the  breath  of  the  fresh  spring  woods 
as  it  brought  the  Easter  message  through  the  wide  windows — 
all  blend  to  make  the  memory.  I remember,  too,  a cermony 
that  was  always  amusing.  It  was  his  habit  before  Service  to 
distribute  among  the  poorest  of  the  congregation  a contribution 
which,  later,  they  placed,  with  the  air  of  millionaires,  in  the 
alms  basin.  And  then,  after  ‘Marse  John’  had  exhorted  them 
to  his  and  their  satisfaction,  there  was  a great  crowding  around 
his  small  phaeton.  The’ drive  home  was  frequently  made  lively, 
and  precarious  as  well,  because  of  the  gifts  of  ‘frizzle  fowls’ 
and  ‘yard  aigs.’  The  roads  were  often  bad  and  the  eggs  good, 
and  one  had  to  be  careful.” 

After  the  destruction  of  Sherman’s  raid,  being  left  very 
poor  and  the  phaeton  destroyed,  Mr.  Drayton,  though  an  old 
man,  never  faltered  but  used  to  walk  some  twelve  or  sixteen 
miles  each  Sunday  to  hold  at  least  three  Services  in  the  houses 
of  the  parish.  (The  chapels  were  burned  in  the  raid.) 

NOTE  K 

(Chapter  VII,  page  197) 

Notable  among  the  founders  of  schools  and  parishes  was 
John  W.  Perry,  who  spent  his  life  in  Tarboro,  N.  C.,  as  rector, 
founder  of  a parochial  school,  and  missionary  over  a wide 

247 


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area.  From  his  school  went  his  gifted  son,  now  Principal  of 
St.  Athanasius’,  Brunswick,  Ga.  Another  is  the  Rev.  James 
S.  Russell,  D.  D.,  founder  of  St.  Paul’s  School  and  many 
missions,  and  Archdeacon  of  Southern  Virginia.  Had  it  not 
been  for  St.  Augustine’s,  and  St.  Paul’s,  the  Church  would  be 
barren  indeed  of  workers.  Still  another  is  the  Rev.  Hui chins 
C.  Bishop,  whose  strong  personality  has  quickened  the  life  of 
the  negro  churches  of  New  York,  and  helped  to  treble  their 
growth.  Others  are  the  Rev.  Henry  S.  McDuffy,  long  a 
worker  in  North  Carolina,  now  a fine  spiritual  power,  with 
Dr.  Henry  Phillips,  in  the  life  of  Philadelphia;  the  Rev. 
Primus  B.  Alston,  founder  of  the  parish  and  school  in 
Charlotte,  N.  C.,  the  soldier  of  steadfast  faith  and  loyalty;  the 
Rev.  Geo.  F.  Bragg,  a church-builder  in  his  first  years  in 
Virginia,  and  for  thirty  years  rector  of  old  St.  James’, 
Baltimore,  whose  intense  love  for  the  Church  has  been  con- 
tagious, and  whose  loyalty  to  his  race  has  been  an  inspiration 
to  them ; the  Rev.  Geo.  G.  Middleton,  who  built  his  church 
and  rectory  in  Natchez,  Miss.,  for  he  was  a carpenter  and 
followed  his  Master  in  trade  and  calling;  the  Rev.  William  V. 
Tunnell,  Warden  and  Professor  in  King  Hall  and  rector  of 
St.  Phillips,  Washington,  an  inspiring  teacher  in  classroom  and 
parish;  the  Rt.  Rev.  Henry  B.  Delaney,  D.  D.,  Dean  of  St. 
Augustine’s  Raleigh,  his  Alma  Mater,  Archdeacon  of  negro 
work,  and,  since  1918,  Suffragan  Bishop  of  N.  C.,  and  acting 
in  that  office  for  all  the  Carolinas;  the  Rev.  Dr.  W.  T.  Hermi- 
tage who  served  nearly  all  his  ministry  in  North  Carolina, 
building  churches  and  giving  a son  to  the  ministry. 

Education  was  bringing  about  new  class  relationships  within 
the  negro  race  itself  as  well  as  between  the  Negroes  and  the 
Whites;  and  upon  these  men  and  their  associates  devolved  the 
task  of  adjusting  these  relationships.  Wisely,  with  Christian 
patience  and  grace  and  faith,  have  they  accepted  the  call  and 
met  the  difficult  duties.  Looking  back  upon  these  forty  years, 
it  must  fill  the  student  of  the  story  with  admiration  for  these 
sane,  steady,  Christian  leaders.  Reflecting  upon  the  great 
difficulties  which  beset  them,  surely  only  the  most  profound 
sympathy  must  be  felt. 


248 


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note  L 

(Chapter  VII,  page  200) 

The  story  of  Mr.  Dodge  is  interesting,  and  his  benefaction, 
in  this  region  certainly,  has  but  one  parallel — that  of  Mr. 
Clarkson  in  South  Carolina,  which  failed  because  of  pre-war 
adverse  laws. 

Young  Dodge  came,  about  1884,  to  visit  his  father,  whose 
large  interests  were  near  Brunswick.  The  beauty  of  the  sur- 
roundings, still  with  the  scars  of  war  apparent  everywhere, 
the  ruins  of  the  old  churches,  the  unshepherded  Negroes  wan- 
dering astray,  the  poverty  from  which  recovery  was  necessarily 
slow — all  these  appealed  to  his  fine  sensibilities.  He  determined 
to  apply  for  Holy  Orders  and  devote  himself  to  the  negro 
people  of  the  islands.  The  story  of  Frederica  parish  had 
been  a romance ; its  ruin  formed  an  irresistible  appeal.  On 
the  foundation  of  the  ruins  he  began  to  build,  and,  with  the 
building,  his  vision  enlarged  to  include  the  evangelization  of 
some  thirty-nine  counties.  After  the  earlier  structures  had 
been  reared,  he  was  ordained,  and  then  proceeded  to  devote 
$72,000  to  the  Missions,  of  which  he  became  Missionary  Trustee 
with  successive  rectors  of  Frederica  as  Trustees  in  turn. 
With  the  approval  of  the  Bishop,  he  took  over  the  negro 
mission  work  of  the  Diocese.  One  by  one,  mission-chapels 
(used  often  as  schools  during  the  week)  were  built,  served 
sometimes  by  priests,  sometimes  by  teachers  who  were  also 
lay  readers.  The  Rev  Mr.  Winn  came  first,  as  Assistant 
and  remains  in  charge  to  this  day. 

One  of  the  most  noted  of  Mr.  Dodge’s  negro  teachers  was 
J.  B.  Gillespie,  who  went  from  the  Sewanee  St.  Mark’s 
Mission,  in  1875,  as  lay  reader  of  St.  Perpetua  Chapel  and 
School,  of  which  he  was  the  first  teacher.  Gillespie’s  father 
had  been  chief  of  one  of  the  black  tribes  of  Africa.  He  was 
captured  in  battle  and  sold  to  one  of  the  last  slave-ships 
smuggling  cargoes  into  America.  In  America,  he  came  into 
the  hands  of  Col.  Peter  Turney  (afterwards  Governor  of 
Tennessee),  a man  of  remarkable  power  and  humanity. 
Gillespie  was  treated  by  the  Colonel  with  due  appreciation  of 

249 


Appendix 


his  native  standing.  So  Gillespie,  the  teacher,  was  a prince 
once  removed  from  his  native  land ; and  he  was  one  in  character 
and  in  intellectual  reach.  Eventually  he  was  ordained,  intend- 
ing to  return  to  Africa  as  a Christian  priest;  but  a fever 
epidemic  through  which  he  nursed  his  people,  carried  him  away 
at  its  close,  and  he  was  buried  by  his  chapel  in  1887.  The 
older  people  still  revere  his  name. 

NOTE  M 

(Chapter  VII,  page  207) 

The  story  of  such  establishments  is  not  without  its  romance. 
These  have  been  difficult  to  secure;  but  there  are  doubtless 
many  more  to  parallel  this  tribute  which  is  taken  from 
The  Church  Advocate,  of  August,  1921.  In  the  initial  work 
leading  to  the  foundation  of  Epiphany,  Orange,  Miss  Ruth 
Mason  was  the  moving  spirit.  She  opened  a Sunday  School 
for  the  Negroes  of  the  old  parish,  and  has  been  a devoted 
friend  and  co-worker  ever  since.  Says  The  Advocate,  “In 
spite  of  her  advanced  age,  she  is  worth  more  to  the  work  in 
Orange  than  a curate.  If  we  only  had  a few  more  such  in 
every  northern  community,  Church  extension  among  our  group 
in  such  localities  would  become  vitally  real.  Miss  Mason 
was  also  instrumental  in  getting  St.  Andrew’s,  Patterson, 
under  way.” 


250 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Problems  of  the  Present  South— E.  G.  Murphy.  Longmans, 
Green  & Co.,  New  York.  1909. 

The  Upward  Path — M.  Helm.  Young  People's  Missionary 
Movement,  New  York.  1909. 

The  Negro  Races — J.  Dowd,  2 vols.  Neale  Publishing  Co., 
New  York.  1914. 

The  Negro — W.  E.  B.  DuBois,  Ph.  D.  Henry  Holt  & Co., 
New  York.  1915. 

The  Basis  of  Ascendency — E.  G.  Murphy.  1918. 

American  Negro  Slavery— U.  B.  Phillips.  Appleton,  New 
York.  1918. 

Negro  Life  in  the  South — W.  D.  Weatherford,  Ph.  D. 
Association  Press,  New  York.  1918. 

Eneas  Africanus — H.  S.  Edwards.  J.  W.  Burke  Co., 
Macon,  Ga. 

The  Soul  of  John  Brown — Stephen  Graham.  Macmillan 
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Africa:  Slave  or  Free? — J.  H.  Harris.  E.  P.  Dutton  & Co., 
New  York.  1920. 

The  Social  History  of  the  American  Negro — B.  Brawley. 
Macmillan  Company,  New  York.  1921. 

The  Negro  Year  Book — M.  N.  Work.  Negro  Year  Book 
Publishing  Co.,  Tuskegee,  Alabama.  1922. 

Manual  of  Afro-American  Church  Work — G.  F.  Bragg. 
1922. 

The  Trend  of  the  Races — G.  E.  Haynes.  Missionary 
Education  Movement,  New  York.  1922. 

In  the  Vanguard  of  a Race — L.  H.  Hammond,  Missionary 
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